2013年11月30日 星期六

OBITUARY: JOHN FITZGERALD KENNEDY: PART III, IV, V


November 23, 1963
OBITUARY: JOHN FITZGERALD KENNEDY: PART III OF V

Kennedy Boyhood and Youth Were Often a Tale of Sharp Rivalry of 2 Brothers

Joseph Jr. Ruled John With Fists
Future President Offered Few Signs Then of His Interest in Politics

The Associated Press
President John F. Kennedy RELATED ARTICLE
  • KENNEDY IS KILLED BY SNIPER AS HE RIDES IN CAR IN DALLAS; JOHNSON SWORN IN ON PLANE
  • ALSO IN THIS ARTICLE
  • Kennedy Concentrated on Domestic Issues After Showdown Over Cuba in '62
  • Book on 'Courage' and '56 Convention Role Put Kennedy on Road to White House
  • Kennedy Boyhood and Youth Were Often a Tale of Sharp Rivalry of 2 Brothers
  • Coconut Shell in the White House Recalled Rescue in World War II
  • Death of Brother in War Thrust Kennedy Into Career of Politics

  • ohn Fitzgerald Kennedy grew up under the shadow of his brother Joseph. It laid a mark on his character. In later life, some persons were to see in the rivalry of the two Kennedy boys at least one reason for the success of the surviving brother. But during the years of growing up it did not seem exactly that way to John. Joseph was not only two years older than John. He was also taller, heavier, stronger.
    In the absence of the boys' father, young Joseph took on some of his authority. In the big family it was Joseph Jr. who laid down the law. He had a quick temper and he tended to enforce his rulings with his fists.
    All through childhood and early adolescence Joseph Jr. and John fought. The outcome was inevitable--John was smaller, slimmer and less developed than his brother. But still the boys fought. Their younger brother, Robert, remembered years later how he and his sisters had cowered in an upstairs room while the two boys fought below.
    The rivalry was not confined to the physical. Joseph Jr. was an able, aggressive, outgoing youngster.
    John Kennedy gave few signs in his youth that he might some day head for the Presidency.
    He was born on May 29, 1917, in Brookline, a Boston suburb. His first years were spent in Brookline at 83 Beals Street, a comfortable white frame house in a pleasant upper middle- class neighborhood.
    Attended Private School In Brookline, John started his education at the Dexter school, a private school rather than a parochial institution.
    By 1926 Joseph Kennedy's business interests were concentrated in New York and he decided to uproot his family from the Boston milieu.
    John went to fourth, fifth and sixth grades in the Riverdale Country Day School. Years later he was dimly remembered by his teachers as a likable youngster, moderately studious, polite and hot-tempered.
    The family then moved to near-by Bronxville where Joseph Kennedy had purchased an 11- bedroom red brick house.
    Only one year of John's education was spent in a Catholic institution. This was Canterbury, a preparatory school at New Milford, Mass., where John went for a year at the age of 13.
    The next fall he shifted to Choate at Wallingford, Conn. Choate was a rather exclusive boys' school with a strong Protestant Episcopal orientation. His brother, Joseph Jr., had gone to the school two years ahead of John and was a leader.
    There was nothing brilliant about John Kennedy's record at Choate. To his teachers he gave no outward sign of special ability. His grades were average.
    At Choate John made friends with Lemoyne Billings, a boy from Baltimore. This was one of the earliest of his school friendships that were to endure and grow as his political career began to gather headway.
    John Kennedy was graduated from Choate in 1935, when he was 18. He was tall, thin, wiry, good-looking and energetic.
    John had decided to break with family tradition and go to Princeton rather than Harvard, where his father had studied, and where Joseph Jr. was already cutting out an important career.
    However, John had a recurrence of jaundice in December and left Princeton. In the autumn of 1936 he entered Harvard.
    His first two years at Harvard were undistinguished. He got slightly better than a C average as a freshman and about the same as a sophomore.
    John went out for freshman football but was too light to make the team. He suffered a back injury that was to plague him seriously later on. But football gave him another of his lifetime friends. This was Torbert H. Macdonald.
    The turning point in John's college career probably was a trip to Europe that he made in the summer of 1937 with Billings.
    John had an audience with the Pope and met Cardinal Pacelli, who was to become Pope Pius XII.
    'Quite a Fellow' "He is quite a fellow," John wrote his parents. John also admired the Fascist system in Italy "as everyone seemed to like it," but took a balanced view of the civil war in Spain.
    Toward the close of 1937 his father was named Ambassador to the Court of St. James's by President Roosevelt.
    Ambassador Kennedy was in the thick of the controversy over United States policy. He took the side of the supporters of Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain, backed the Munich agreement and, in general, expressed views regarded by his critics as those of isolationism and appeasement.
    John Kennedy's interest in foreign affairs was further stimulated when he obtained permission from Harvard to spend the second semester of his junior year in Europe.
    John's final year at Harvard was by far the best of his educational career.
    For the first time he demonstrated intellectual drive and vigor. He was determined to be graduated with honors and took extra work in political science toward this end. His grades improved to a B average.
    But his principal achievement of the year was the writing of a thesis, "Appeasement at Munich." In it, his basic point was:
    Most of the critics have been firing at the wrong target. The Munich Pact itself should not be the object of criticism but rather the underlying factors such as the state of British opinion and the condition of Britain's armaments which made "surrender" inevitable.
    "To blame one man, such as Baldwin, for the unpreparedness of British armaments is illogical and unfair, given the condition of democratic government."
    In June, 1940, John Kennedy was graduated cum laude in political science. His thesis had won a magna cum laude.

     BITUARY: JOHN FITZGERALD KENNEDY: PART IV OF V

    Coconut Shell in the White House Recalled Rescue in World War II


    The Associated Press
    President John F. Kennedy RELATED ARTICLE
  • KENNEDY IS KILLED BY SNIPER AS HE RIDES IN CAR IN DALLAS; JOHNSON SWORN IN ON PLANE
  • ALSO IN THIS ARTICLE
  • Kennedy Concentrated on Domestic Issues After Showdown Over Cuba in '62
  • Book on 'Courage' and '56 Convention Role Put Kennedy on Road to White House
  • Kennedy Boyhood and Youth Were Often a Tale of Sharp Rivalry of 2 Brothers
  • Coconut Shell in the White House Recalled Rescue in World War II
  • Death of Brother in War Thrust Kennedy Into Career of Politics

  • n John F. Kennedy's desk in the White House a scarred and battered coconut shell held a place of honor. On its rough bark was scratched this message:
    "Native knows posit he can pilot 11 alive need small boat kennedy."
    This crude memento was a souvenir of as close a brush with death as John Kennedy--or any other man--was likely to experience and live to talk about. It also marked the climax of his brief but daring and courageous military career.
    Mr. Kennedy was graduated from Harvard in June, 1940, just after the so-called "phony war" had ended in Europe.
    With World War II more and more dominating the world's headlines and the thoughts of men, Mr. Kennedy found it impossible to settle down to civilian existence.
    He had talked of entering Yale Law School in the fall of 1940. But he changed his mind at the last moment and enrolled at the Stanford University business school for graduate work.
    Wanted Military Service He was restless, however, and left school to make a long tour of South America. By the time he got back he had one interest--to get into the armed forces.
    He undertook a rigorous course of conditioning and exercises and managed to pass a Navy physical in September, 1941.
    He was assigned at first to a desk in Naval intelligence in Washington, preparing a news digest for the Navy Chief of Staff.
    This was not to his liking. He invoked his father's influence and managed to get transferred to the torpedo boat training station at Melville, R.I., where a number of his friends, including his Harvard roommate, Torbert H. Macdonald, were already stationed.
    In March, Lieutenant (j.g.) Kennedy had command of PT-109, a boat that was part of a PT squadron based at Rendova, south of New Georgia.
    Not long after midnight Aug. 2, 1943, PT-109 was on patrol in Blackett Strait in the Solomon Islands, about forty miles from the Rendova base. The 26-year-old Lieutenant Kennedy was in charge, leading three other PT boats.
    His first officer, George Ross, a Princeton graduate, was at the wheel.
    Suddenly out of the murk the Japanese destroyer, Amagiri, bore down on them at 30 knots. It rammed the boat squarely, cutting it in two and steamed on without loss of speed.
    2 Crewmen Killed Two members of the PT crew were killed outright. Lieutenant Kennedy was hurled onto the deck, falling on his back.
    But he was not killed. Nor was his craft sunk. The after half of the PT remained afloat although the sea was covered with burning gasoline. Although his back had been injured by his fall, Lieutenant Kennedy and several of his crew members managed to aid two men who were badly hurt--Patrick H. McMahon, the engineer who was severely burned, and Harris, a fellow Bostonian who had hurt his leg.
    The men hoped for an early rescue but no help came. Apparently the other PT boats had assumed all men were lost.
    The next night the hull capsized and Lieutenant Kennedy led his party to a small island. Most of the way he swam, breast-stroke, pulling the injured Mr. McMahon by life preserver straps that he clasped in his teeth.
    Lieutenant Kennedy left his exhausted mates on the atoll and swam on further to Ferguson Passage through which PT boats frequently operated. He carried with him a heavy ship's lantern for signaling.
    All night long he swam and drifted in the Ferguson Passage, hoping a PT boat would come along. Sometimes he dozed in the water. No PT boats appeared. In early morning he swam back to the reef where his comrades waited and sank exhausted and sick on the sand.
    The next night Mr. Ross swam to Ferguson Passage but had no more luck.
    The next day Lieutenant Kennedy moved his men to another island closer to Ferguson Passage. All were hungry and thirsty. Some were ill.
    On the fourth day Mr. Kennedy and Mr. Ross swam to Cross Island, even closer to Ferguson Passage. Here they made a great find--a keg of water and a box of biscuits and hard candy left behind by the Japanese. They also found a native dugout canoe. Mr. Kennedy left Mr. Ross on Cross and paddled back to his crew with food and water.
    On the fifth day he returned to Cross, but on the way a storm swamped the canoe. But, in imminent peril of drowning, he was sighted by a group of Solomon Islanders in a large canoe. They took him to Cross and Mr. Ross. Here they led the Americans to a larger canoe concealed on the island.
    Mr. Kennedy took a coconut, scratched on it the message:
    "Native knows posit he can pilot 11 alive need small boat kennedy." He told the natives again and again "Rendova, Rendova." They paddled away.
    That night he and Mr. Ross again went out to Ferguson Passage. Again their canoe was capsized and they nearly drowned. They made it back to Cross and sank on the beach in exhausted slumber.
    But on that morning--the sixth since the disaster--Mr. Kennedy and Mr. Ross were awakened by four natives, one of whom spoke excellent English and said:
    "I have a letter for you, sir."
    More than seventeen years later, after Lieutenant Kennedy had become President Kennedy, the man who received the message and summoned help was identified as A. R. Evans, an Australian serving in his country's Naval Reserve. Mr. Evans was now an accountant at Sydney.
    Within a matter of hours the PT survivors had all been rounded up and were back at their base, the worse for wear and tear, but happily alive.
    The commander of the destroyer Amagiri Kohei Hanami, now a farmer in Japan, sent Mr. Kennedy congratulations on his election. Mr. Kennedy sent him a bronze medal commemorating the ceremony.
    Lieutenant Kennedy's conduct won him the Purple Heart and the Navy and Marine Corps Medal with a citation from Adm. William F. Halsey that paid tribute to "his courage, endurance and excellent leadership in keeping with the highest traditions of the United States Naval Service."
    But his career with the PT boats quickly ended. He contracted malaria. His weight dropped to 125 pounds. He was suffering some pain from the aggravation of his old back injury.
    In December, 1943, he was sent back to the United States.
    Mr. Kennedy still hoped for more active duty and thought he might be sent to the Mediterranean. But he was not well and late in the spring of 1944 he entered Chelsea Naval Hospital, near Boston.
    Almost a year to the day after his adventure in the South Pacific the Kennedy family was gathered at Hyannis Port when two priests appeared and asked to see Joseph P. Kennedy Sr.
    Joseph Jr. had been reported missing in action. Beginning in September, 1943, Joseph had flown combat duty with a Liberator bomber squadron attached to the British Coastal Command.
    By July, 1944, after a second tour of duty, Joseph had orders to go home when he learned about and volunteered for an experimental mission called "Project Anvil."
    The plan was to load a Liberator with 22,000 pounds of TNT, take it into the air with a pilot and co-pilot and then fix its flight controls on a course for the German V-2 rocket bases. The pilot and co-pilot would then parachute to safety.
    On Aug. 12, 1944, Joseph Jr. and Lieut. Wilford J. Willy of Fort Worth, took off in the robot plane with two control planes accompanying them. About 6:20 P.M., as the plane coast, it blew up. The two pilots were instantly killed.
    The death of Joseph Jr. at the age of 29 was but the first of a series of tragedies to strike the Kennedys. Less than four weeks later, on Sept. 10, 1944, the British War Office announced the death in action in France of Lord Hartington. He was the husband of Kathleen, oldest of the Kennedy girls and the only member of the family to marry outside the Roman Catholic Church.
    Kathleen and Lord Hartington were married at the Chelsea Registry Office, London, in early May, 1944. She herself became the second member of the Kennedy family to die when, in May, 1948, she was killed in the crash of a small private plane in France.
    John Kennedy remained in the hospital near Boston for a disk operation on his back. Finally, thin and in far from robust health, he appeared before a Navy board and was mustered out of service. His military career was at an end. His civilian life opened ahead of him.

     OBITUARY: JOHN FITZGERALD KENNEDY: PART V OF V

    Death of Brother in War Thrust Kennedy Into Career of Politics


    The Associated Press
    President John F. Kennedy RELATED ARTICLE
  • KENNEDY IS KILLED BY SNIPER AS HE RIDES IN CAR IN DALLAS; JOHNSON SWORN IN ON PLANE
  • ALSO IN THIS ARTICLE
  • Kennedy Concentrated on Domestic Issues After Showdown Over Cuba in '62
  • Book on 'Courage' and '56 Convention Role Put Kennedy on Road to White House
  • Kennedy Boyhood and Youth Were Often a Tale of Sharp Rivalry of 2 Brothers
  • Coconut Shell in the White House Recalled Rescue in World War II
  • Death of Brother in War Thrust Kennedy Into Career of Politics

  • ust as I went into politics because Joe died, if anything happened to me tomorrow, my brother Bobby would run for my seat in the Senate. And if Bobby died Teddy would take over for him." So John F. Kennedy once described his decision to enter politics. Early in 1945, John Kennedy was working for The International News Service as a special correspondent. He covered some important events, including the Potsdam Conference and the founding conference of the United Nations in San Francisco.
    But he did not appear to have made up his mind about his career. By this time, however, he was seriously considering entering politics.
    For this decision his father, Joseph P. Kennedy Sr., has taken full credit. He told an interviewer in 1957:
    "I got Jack into politics. I was the one. I told him Joe was dead and that it was therefore his responsibility to run for Congress. He didn't want to do it. He felt he didn't have the ability and he still feels that way. But I told him he had to do it."
    Journalism 'Too Passive' That was not the way President Kennedy remembered it. He said he had been attracted strongly to journalism, but finally concluded that "it was too passive."
    "We all liked politics," he said, "but Joe seemed a natural to run for office. Obviously, you can't have a whole mess of Kennedys asking for votes. So when Joe was denied his chance, I wanted to run and was glad I could.
    By a quirk of political fortune, James Michael Curley, long a dominant figure in Boston politics, was vacating the Congressional seat in the Eleventh District in 1946. Mr. Curley, a political enemy of both of John Kennedy's grandfathers--Patrick J. Kennedy and John F. Fitzgerald--was about to become Mayor of Boston.
    Thus, it was in the old Eleventh District that John Kennedy first tried his political fortunes.
    The district included East Boston, where John Kennedy's father was born. It included the North End, where his mother, Rose, and her father, John F. Fitzgerald, had been born. It included Cambridge, where the Kennedys had gone to Harvard.
    It was a great district for a young Kennedy to run in--except for one thing.
    No Roots in Boston John Kennedy had no roots there, or hardly any roots in Boston. He had been born and spent a few childhood years in Brookline. He had gone to college at Harvard. He had summered at Hyannis Port on Cape Cod.
    But he was not a genuine Bostonian. He had kept a Boston address--the Bellevue Hotel, next door to the State House, where his grandfather maintained rooms.
    Regardless of any handicaps, John Kennedy got into the race with all he had. He was still yellow from the atabrine he had taken to combat malaria picked up in war service in the South Pacific. He was only 28 years old and looked about 21. He was scrawny and he was shy about meeting people.
    But he had determination. He had the Kennedy name and the Kennedy money. He also had a rapidly growing group of fervent supporters, built around his family and his friends of prep school, college and Navy days. Mr. Kennedy started campaigning early in the year for the June primary. If he was inept about treating the boys in the East Boston saloons he proved to be one of the most energetic campaigners the Eleventh District had ever seen.
    And his organization began to grow, turning his headquarters at 122 Bowdoin Street into a bustling political center.
    War Record Cited Mr. Kennedy ran largely on his war record. Reprints of articles about his exploits in the South Pacific were widely circulated.
    On Election Day, Mr. Kennedy swamped his opponents.
    His political career was now fairly launched and he won the final election without difficulty in November. In January, 1947 he presented himself at the House of Representatives.
    He was 29 years old but so boyish in appearance that he was often mistaken for a college student. He had a shy smile, a great shock of hair and a thin but wiry frame.
    Mr. Kennedy served three terms in the House. His record was not spectacular but his votes usually were on the liberal side.
    He demonstrated flashes of independence, such as in his refusal to kowtow to Representative John W. McCormack, long-time leader of the Massachusetts Democratic delegation.
    He also fought the American Legion for its opposition to housing projects, declaring that Legion "hasn't had a constructive thought since 1918."
    Meantime, Mr. Kennedy was beginning to focus his eye on wider horizons. He had considered running for the Senate in 1948 against Leverett Saltonstall, but, after weighing the prospects, decided against it.
    His chance came in 1952 when Gov. Paul A. Dever decided not to run for the Senate against Henry Cabot Lodge. Senator Lodge was a redoubtable candidate.
    Once more the Kennedy family turned out in force to campaign. John Kennedy's brother, Robert, 27, was his campaign director. His sisters, Jean, Eunice and Patricia, went from door to door, poured tea and presided over coffee hours. His mother also took a leading part.
    During the later part of the campaign an old back injury bothered Mr. Kennedy and he was forced to make appearances on crutches. But there was always a Kennedy to substitute for another Kennedy.
    Confident of Victory The year 1952 was the year of the Eisenhower landslide. But Mr. Kennedy felt confident of victory.
    His confidence was well founded. He defeated Mr. Lodge by 1,211,984 votes to 1,141,247- -a margin of 70,000--while the Republican Presidential ticket won in Massachusetts by 208,800 votes.
    It was 36 years since John Kennedy's grandfather, Mr. Fitzgerald, had been defeated by Henry Cabot Lodge's grandfather of the same name, in the United States Senatorial election.
    Mr. Kennedy's first years in the Senate were marked by three major events--one personal, one political and one physical.
    The personal event was his marriage. In 1951 he first met Jacqueline Lee Bouvier, then 21 and a student at George Washington University. She was the daughter of Mr. and Mrs. John V. Bouvier 3d, who were divorced. She was brought up in New York and Washington, attended Vassar College and the Sorbonne in Paris and was a Roman Catholic.
    Miss Bouvier was a striking young woman with soft, abundant hair, modulated voice and an independent, inquisitive mind.
    Although Mr. Kennedy was instantly attracted to the dark, slender girl, it was months before he saw much of her. They met just on the eve of his Senate campaign. Not until he returned to Washington in 1953 as a Senator did the courtship begin in earnest.
    They were married on Sept. 12, 1953, at St. Mary's Roman Catholic Church in Newport. The Most Reverend Richard J. Cushing, then Archbishop of the Archdiocese of Boston and later a Cardinal, performed the ceremony.
    Meanwhile, Mr. Kennedy's back was giving him new difficulty. The trouble grew worse. On Oct. 21, 1954, he entered Manhattan's Hospital for Special Surgery and underwent a double fusion of spinal discs in a long, difficult operation.
    The operation was not altogether successful. He was in the hospital until late December. After a brief vacation, he had another operation in mid-February, 1955.
    The most frequent rumor was that he suffered from Addison's disease, a serious malfunctioning of the adrenal glands. He had experienced some malfunctioning of the adrenals because of his wartime malaria. But after his critical back operations his health soon built back to the typically vigorous Kennedy level.
    Against the background of these personal events a major political crisis occurred. This was once again on the subject of McCarthyism, a word given to the activities of Senator Joseph R. McCarthy of Wisconsin, a crusader against communism.
    Course Is Cautious Senator Kennedy had, in effect, evaded the McCarthy issue in his campaign of 1952. But now as the Wisconsin Senator's activities impinged more and more on the national scene and sentiment rose in the Senate for curbing Mr. McCarthy's activities, the question of Mr. Kennedy's position came to the fore.
    As the issue was drawn tighter Senator Kennedy continued to steer a cautious course in correspondence with his constituents and in public speeches.
    Senator Kennedy did vote against Mr. McCarthy on certain issues. He voted for confirmation of James B. Conant as Ambassador to West Germany and Charles E. Bohlen as Ambassador to the Soviet Union, two appointments opposed by Mr. McCarthy.
    But the direct issue of Senate censure of Mr. McCarthy was building up rapidly. Mr. Kennedy decided to vote for censure--but on the narrow technical ground that Mr. McCarthy had jeopardized the dignity and honor of the Senate.
    Senator Kennedy prepared a speech outlining his views. But he never delivered it and he was not in the Senate when the censure issue arose. When the vote on the censure was taken on Dec. 2, 1954, and Mr. McCarthy's power was checked by a 67-to-22 vote of the Senate, Mr. Kennedy was "absent by leave of the Senate because of illness." He was still recuperating from back surgery.
    This was not the end of the matter, however. The question of Mr. Kennedy's attitude toward Mr. McCarthy and McCarthyism was to persist through his broadening political career. As late as 1959, the satirists of the Washington Press Club sang at a Gridiron dinner:
    "Where you were, John,
    Where were you, John,
    When the Senate censored Joe?"

    OBITUARY: JOHN FITZGERALD KENNEDY: PART I / PART II

    On This Day
    November 23, 1963
    OBITUARY: JOHN FITZGERALD KENNEDY: PART I OF V

    Kennedy Concentrated on Domestic Issues After Showdown Over Cuba in '62

    By THE NEW YORK TIMES
    The Administration of John F. Kennedy was marked by a breathless series of major events-- the abortive Bay of Pigs invasion, the Berlin Wall, riots at the University of Mississippi and other places in the battle for civil rights, and the Cuban showdown.
    But from the moment Premier Khrushchev announced the dismantling of the missile bases and withdrawal of the missiles from Cuba in October, 1962, a period of comparative relaxation in cold war tensions began, a tranquil time internationally that was only mildly disturbed by incidents such as the recent arrest and release of Prof. Frederick C. Barghoorn.
    For 13 months the nation has been living without fear of imminent war. In this period the President was able to turn his main attention to domestic issues such as civil rights and the lagging economy, issues he had made part of his program from the beginning.
    Tone Set at Inaugural Mr. Kennedy's inaugural address was only 1,355 words long--one of the shorter introductory messages of recent American Presidents.
    "Now the trumpet summons us again," he declared, "not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need--not as a call to battle, though embattled we are--but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle year in and year out, 'rejoicing in hope, patient in tribulation'--a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease and war itself."
    And in what probably became his most celebrated passage, he implored:
    "And so, my fellow Americans: ask not what America will do for you--ask what you can do for your country."
    Polls showed that his popularity declined somewhat as a result of Administration support for militant civil-rights leaders. President Kennedy himself said he expected a close race in 1964.
    Yet his Administration received a heartening vote of confidence in the Congressional elections of 1962.
    Normally, the Congressional forces of the party in power are cut sharply in the mid-term elections. But in 1962 the Democrats broke the jinx, adding four Senate seats. They lost four seats in the House but this was only a fraction of the usual off-year loss. And among the new Democrats in the House were many liberals.
    The President's handling of the Cuban crisis was a major factor in the upset victory. Republicans groaned: "We were Cubanized."
    Races for Governor Lost But not all the news was good. A jarring disappointment was the defeat of Democratic candidates for Governor in four big states: New York, Pennsylvania, Ohio and Michigan. Nelson Rockefeller easily won re-election in New York; Representative William W. Scranton was elected Governor in Pennsylvania; George Romney won in Michigan and James A. Rhodes won in Ohio.
    This lineup contained three prospects for the Republican Presidential nomination: Governors Rockefeller, Scranton and Romney. So far only Governor Rockefeller has declared his candidacy.
    The President's popularity according to the Gallup poll, reached a crest in 1961, following the attempt to invade Cuba, when his approval rating was 83 per cent, and sank to 57 per cent in October of this year. Two weeks ago the poll indicated a slight rise: 59 per cent approved of the job Mr. Kennedy was doing as President.
    The November poll showed that the President enjoyed his greatest popularity among Roman Catholics, Negroes and Jews and with younger adults. There was strong anti- Kennedy sentiment in the South.
    The President's legislative program was having an exceptionally difficult time in Congress, and the lack of results on major items reduced his popular support.
    He had begun the year with a sweeping and ambitious program. But at his last White House news conference, a week ago, he publicly accepted what had become a foregone conclusion: the legislative achievements of this session of Congress would be among the most meager ever.
    Congress, bogged down on routine appropriation matters, had not yet taken up the civil rights bill. Other items on the President's program that were still languishing were education, mental health and health insurance for the aged under Social Security. The Administration's tax bill, promising lower taxes as a stimulus to economic recovery, passed the House Sept. 25 but stalled in the Senate Finance Committee.
    There was little hope that controversial issues such as civil rights and taxes would come to a final test before next summer, on the eve of the national conventions, and their impact on the Presidential campaign was expected to be heavy.
    The President was especially exasperated at the slashing of his foreign aid bill. At his news conference, the President described the Senate's treatment of the bill as "the worst attack on foreign aid. . .since the beginning of the Marshall Plan."
    On Nov. 15, the Senate passed a $3.7 billion aid bill, an amount $800 million less than the President had requested.
    House More Hostile The House was even more hostile, and cut the President's program by $1 billion. There seemed little possibility that a money bill for much more than $3 billion would emerge from conference.
    Critics assailed the President, saying that more vigorous leadership was necessary to persuade Congress that the cuts would be catastrophic.
    President Kennedy had promised to reinvigorate the domestic economy, to "get the country moving again." Today the nation is at a peak of affluence. Yet unemployment remains above 5.5 per cent. The President worried over regions that lagged behind the rest of the nation.
    In April he appointed an Appalachian Regional Commission, which is now drawing up a massive program of Federal aid for a ten-state swath of chronic poverty running from the Pocono Mountains of Pennsylvania to northern Alabama.
    His relations with the business community had improved considerably since the spring of 1962, when he raised hackles by forcing the steel companies to hold the price line. At that time he made a withering attack on United States Steel and other leading corporations, which had increased steel prices $6 a ton.
    The President called the price rise "a wholly unjustifiable and irresponsible defiance of the public interest." Privately, he called the industry leaders "sons of bitches."
    Big Steel backed down. Last spring, when business was good and profits at record levels, steel announced modest price increases on selected items. This time the industry drew White House praise for "restraint."
    Crisis in Mississippi What was to be his last attempt to woo business was Monday in a speech to the Florida chamber of Commerce in Tampa. He sought support for the tax-cut by assuring business leaders he was not anti-business. He reminded businessmen that corporate profits were at an "all-time high," and denied that Democrats sought to "soak the rich."
    The civil rights front became grimmer suddenly in the late months of 1962. In October, a Negro named James Meredith, grandson of a slave and a nine-year veteran of the Air Force, sought to register at the University of Mississippi.
    The university town of Oxford was torn by rioting. A mob, harangued by former Maj. Gen. Edwin A. Walker, who had flown from Dallas, attacked United States marshals who were guarding Mr. Meredith.
    Gov. Ross Barnett pleaded with the President by telephone: "Get Meredith off the campus. . .I can't protect him."
    "Listen, Governor," the President shouted, "we're not moving anybody anywhere until order is restored. . . . You are not discharging your responsibility, Governor. . . . There is no sense in talking any more until you do your duty. . . . There are lives in jeopardy. . . . I'm not in a position to do anything, to make any deals, to discuss anything until law and order is restored and the lives of the people are protected. Good-by."
    President Kennedy slammed down the phone. He ordered Federal troops into Oxford.
    Governor Barnett was charged with contempt. But the White House feared that the arrest of Governor Barnett might trigger violence throughout the South. So the Governor was considered to have purged himself of contempt by allowing Mr. Meredith on the campus.
    Bombings in Birmingham The victory for integration at Oxford cost one life, that of a reporter. Disorders in Birmingham followed.
    Birmingham had been plagued by bombings, all with racial overtones, since World War II. On Sunday morning, Sept. 15, 1963, a dynamite explosion shook the 16th Street Baptist Church in Birmingham's downtown Negro section. When the smoke cleared, rescuers found the bodies of four girls beneath a pile of debris. Their teacher had just dismissed them after a lesson on "The Love That Forgives."
    President Kennedy called the affair a consequence of the "public disparagement of law and order." He appeared to mean Alabama's Governor, George C. Wallace, a segregationist who had tried to bloc integration at the University of Alabama in Tuscaloosa.
    The President named a two man committee, Kenneth C. Royall, former Secretary of the Army, and Earl H. Blaik, a former West Point football coach, to try to reconcile the white and Negro communities of Birmingham.
    The President had promised a broad civil rights program. But he was forced to appeal for a softening of a bill drafted by a bipartisan group of Northern liberals in the House. He felt the bill ranged so widely as to risk defeat.
    This action irritated civil rights groups. But the watered-down bill, as drafted by the House Judiciary Committee in late October, was still considered the broadest civil rights program ever recommended to Congress.



    OBITUARY: JOHN FITZGERALD KENNEDY: PART II OF V

    Book on 'Courage' and '56 Convention Role Put Kennedy on Road to White House

    Volume Written During '55 Illness
    Drive for Vice-Presidency a Year Later Failed but Brought Wide Publicity

    The Associated Press
    President John F. Kennedy RELATED ARTICLE
  • KENNEDY IS KILLED BY SNIPER AS HE RIDES IN CAR IN DALLAS; JOHNSON SWORN IN ON PLANE
  • ALSO IN THIS ARTICLE
  • Kennedy Concentrated on Domestic Issues After Showdown Over Cuba in '62
  • Book on 'Courage' and '56 Convention Role Put Kennedy on Road to White House
  • Kennedy Boyhood and Youth Were Often a Tale of Sharp Rivalry of 2 Brothers
  • Coconut Shell in the White House Recalled Rescue in World War II
  • Death of Brother in War Thrust Kennedy Into Career of Politics

  • he precise moment when John Fitzgerald Kennedy determined to run for the Presidency of the United States may never be determined. Some historians feel that a campaign for the Presidency was implicit in John Kennedy's decision late in 1945 to embark upon a political career.
    They point out that he took over, in effect, the projected ambitions of his late brother, Joseph P. Kennedy Jr., whose intention to try for the President had been explicit as early as his college days at Harvard.
    To some, the Kennedy ambition for the Presidency stemmed from a frustrated drive originally possessed by Joseph P. Kennedy Sr., and transmitted by him first to his son Joe and then to his son Jack.
    Whatever the influence of these psychological factors may have been upon John Kennedy, it seems certain that his decision to make a bid for the highest American political honors stemmed from his own year of deep crisis, 1954 to 1955.
    Surgery on Back He spent most of that period in and out of hospital beds. He underwent surgery several times at grave risk of his life to correct his chronic and painful back injury.
    During almost the whole period he was away from Washington, he was out of the mainstream of political life, isolated from ordinary affairs and in a position to think deeply about himself and about questions of human and political philosophy.
    John Kennedy did not spend his months of illness and recuperation in idleness. He turned his mind and his interest to a task that intimately linked his personal and political interests. This was the writing of the book that he published in 1956 under the title "Profiles in Courage."
    Before he picked up the political mantle of his brother Joe, John Kennedy had been headed for a career as a writer. He had dabbled in journalism and had written many articles for periodicals. And on the eve of World War II he had turned his college political science thesis into a widely read book called "Why England Slept." This was an analysis of the Baldwin-Chamberlain era that led England down the Munich staircase into World War II.
    Wrote Studies in Courage Then, just as the surgeons fused the injured discs of his spine, so he fused his literary and political aspirations and produced a study of notable examples of political courage in America. John Quincy Adams, Daniel Webster, Edmund Ross, George W. Norris, Sam Houston, Thomas Hart Benton, Robert A. Taft--these were some of the men whose lives Mr. Kennedy incorporated in his study.
    Many vehicles have launched public men onto the stage of national politics. But seldom has the instrument been a bestselling collection of historical biographies. But such was the case with John Kennedy.
    "Profiles in Courage" lifted him into a special category--a category of statesmanship and scholarship beyond the reach of most men in politics. It served a more subtle purpose as well. For in the process of writing about the great and brave men of American politics Mr. Kennedy acquired a stature and fiber of political philosophy that he had not had before.
    His book won a Pulitzer Prize in biography in 1957. And this honor helped lift him, in public-opinion polls, into a leading position among Presidential possibilities.
    There was one discordant note connected with the book. Rumors circulated that it had been ghost-written by his close friend and intimate political aide, Theodore C. Sorenson. Warnings by Senator Kennedy that he would sue for libel and slander finally halted the circulation of the rumors.
    He returned to Washington on May 23, 1955, not completely recuperated from his operations. It was early 1956 before he moved into the clear as a national figure.
    Looking 4 Years Ahead In view of his age and the general political situation--the renomination of Adlai E. Stevenson as the Democratic Presidential nominee was virtually certain--Senator Kennedy set his sights for the Vice-Presidential nomination.
    Actually, this was merely a gambit toward a possible Presidential nomination four years hence. He wanted the advertising and political experience of a bid for a Vice-Presidential nomination. He would have liked the nomination but a brisk fight for it was almost as useful to his purposes.
    In the end, after numerous ups and downs and a few moments of coming close, Senator Kennedy did not make it. He took the spotlight at the Democratic convention, placing Mr. Stevenson in nomination.
    Mr. Stevenson then threw the race for the Vice Presidency open. There was a scramble between Senators Kennedy and Estes Kefauver of Tennessee. On the second ballot, Mr. Kennedy led 618 to 551�. But on the third ballot Mr. Kefauver swamped Mr. Kennedy.
    Four years of intensive political activity and organization lay ahead of Senator Kennedy before his Presidential ambitions could be achieved.
    Mr. Kennedy turned full time attention to Presidential politics. He stumped 26 states for Mr. Stevenson in 1956.
    Then, in 1957, he began to build a national legislative record. He criticized the level of ambassadorial appointments of the Eisenhower Administration. He backed aid for Poland and for India. He called for the independence of Algeria. He published incisive critiques of United States foreign policy in the quarterly "Foreign Affairs." He warned of a missile gap.
    Domestic Course Difficult In domestic policy he steered a difficult course. He compromised on features of civil rights legislation, drawing criticism from the left. He backed better budgeting and fiscal housekeeping. He fought for moderate labor reform.
    And he tucked away an indispensable demonstration of his live political appeal. In 1958 he ran for a second term for the United States Senate. It was a rough, tough campaign in which Mr. Kennedy first had to clear away some minor roadblocks put in his path by dissident Democrats in Massachusetts.
    The biggest winning margin ever to be piled up by a candidate in Massachusetts had been achieved by Leverett Saltonstall in 1944. He won his Senate race that year with a majority of 561,668 votes.
    Mr. Kennedy's enthusiasts hoped that he might make as good a showing. He did--and a good deal better. His margin was 874,608, the biggest in history and the biggest margin any Senatorial candidate in the United States won by in 1958.
    From that time forward Presidential politics seemed almost completely to preoccupy Senator Kennedy. He was constantly on the go, appearing in every part of the country.
    Aided by Seasoned Staff Behind him he had a small but well organized and seasoned political staff. It was built around the Kennedy family. John was running for the Presidency. But it was still a clan operation.
    Always there were some Kennedys traveling with him on the plane. His brother Robert was campaign manager. His principal aides were the old team--the group of close friends and associates he had gathered over the years, dating back to preparatory school days, plus a few acquired in his Washington years.
    The key members of his organization were Lawrence F. O'Brien, experienced in Boston political battles; Kenneth P. O'Donnell, a Harvard football star and Boston political pro; Mr. Sorenson, who had become virtually a Kennedy alter ego in the years of his Senate service; Timothy J. Reardon Jr., who had roomed with Joseph Kennedy Jr., at Harvard; Torbert H. MacDonald, by now a United States Representative from Massachusetts; Francis X. Morrissey, another Boston pro, and others of this type.
    A suite of offices was rented in the Esso Building in Washington, just under the brow of Capitol Hill--and the Kennedy campaign was moving fast.
    The first task was to obtain the nomination. Senator Kennedy chose to go after that by competing in the primaries. This pitted him in two major contests with Senator Hubert H. Humphrey of Minnesota--first in Wisconsin in February and then in West Virginia in April.
    Senators Kennedy and Humphrey campaigned in Wisconsin for a month, running up and down the state through bitter cold and winter snowstorms.
    Mr. Kennedy won the state but Mr. Humphrey put up a good showing--good enough so that the coalescing opposition to Mr. Kennedy within the Democratic party could raise questions about his vote-getting ability in the Middle West.
    Religious Issue Grew Senator Kennedy had picked the Wisconsin primary boldly. He wanted to demonstrate two things--his ability to run well in the agricultural Middle West and his ability to overcome the "Catholic issue."
    Although Mr. Kennedy had been in political life for nearly fifteen years, the issue of his religion loomed larger than ever when he entered openly upon his Presidential course. For overhanging the prospects of a Roman Catholic candidate was the long memory of the religious turmoil raised by the candidacy of Alfred E. Smith, a Catholic Democrat, who ran a disastrous race against Herbert Hoover in 1928.
    Senator Kennedy was determined to meet the religious issue head-on. Indeed, he seemed to seek opportunities to emphasize his belief in the traditional separation of church and state and of the right of a Catholic to political equality with a non-Catholic.
    Victory Over Humphrey With the indecisiveness of the Wisconsin primary leaving these questions somewhat unsettled, Senators Kennedy and Humphrey were rematched in the West Virginia primary. Here for the first time Mr. Kennedy fought the religious issue out from one end of the state to another. And here he encountered voters who were hard-bitten in their opposition to any candidate of the Catholic faith.
    There were many predictions that Mr. Kennedy might be defeated because of anti-Catholic prejudice among the voters or that he might just squeak through. But to the surprise of his own staff he won a big victory--a commanding success that drove Mr. Humphrey out of the Presidential competition and was hailed by the Kennedy supporters as conclusive evidence that the omen of the Al Smith defeat in 1928 no longer overhung his campaign chances.
    From that time on the Kennedy bandwagon picked up overwhelming momentum.
    By the time the Democratic National Convention opened in Los Angeles in July, experienced political observers were certain that Mr. Kennedy had put together a winning combination even though Senator Lyndon B. Johnson of Texas was still openly in the field against him and Mr. Stevenson still hoped for a third nomination.
    But the hopes of Mr. Johnson and Mr. Stevenson were dependent upon holding the line with sufficient favorite-son candidates to prevent the Kennedy nomination on the first ballot. It was a hopeless task.
    The big Democratic states had begun to line up behind Senator Kennedy. Gov. David L. Lawrence of Pennsylvania, Mayor Richard S. Daley of Chicago and most of the New York State delegation swung in behind Mr. Kennedy. He won easily on the first ballot. Senator Kennedy moved swiftly to heal the breaches in the party. He asked and got Mr. Johnson's acceptance as his running mate. Mr. Stevenson introduced Mr. Kennedy for the acceptance speech. The stage was set for the final drive for the Presidency.
    Campaign Intensified From the moment that Vice President Richard M. Nixon was made the Republican candidate, it was apparent that he and Mr. Kennedy would wage vigorous campaigns. Each proposed to utilize all of the technological devices of the new age to present themselves to the electorate.
    Each scheduled heavy programs of television time. Each utilized the jet airplane to carry out dazzling schedules, which whisked him from one end of the country to another. For the first time, with the admission of Hawaii and Alaska into the Union, the candidates had 50 rather than 48 states to campaign in.
    The major innovation of the campaign, however, was not the jet airplane. It was the national television debate of the Presidential candidates.
    During the West Virginia Presidential primary Mr. Kennedy and Mr. Humphrey met in a television debate and as early as the Wisconsin primary the Kennedy strategists had discussed the possibility of national television debates if the Senator won the nomination.
    However, the initiative for the Presidential campaign debates came from the national television networks, which had long been interested in trying such a procedure. After considerable consultation by the broadcaster and representatives of each candidate, a series of four debates was agreed upon.
    The first of the four debates, conducted on Sept. 26 in Chicago, proved, in retrospect, to be by far the most important. Indeed, when the election was over many observers felt that this encounter had been the turning point of the campaign.
    It was not so much a clash of issues at the first debates as a contrast of personalities.
    Kennedy partisans credited this debate with clearing away two major issues that had been raised against their candidate. The first was the issue of youth, inexperience and immaturity, which the Republicans had planned to make a cornerstone of their campaign.
    But after the first and subsequent debates, the Republicans conceded, the issue lost most of its bite because Senator Kennedy presented himself to the national audience as an assured, mature figure with a wealth of specific information about government and policy at his finger tips.
    The second handicap removed by the television debates was the fact that Mr. Kennedy was less widely known than Mr. Nixon.
    Nixon Seemed Nervous The Vice President had been on the national stage continuously for eight years. Mr. Kennedy had been campaigning vigorously for four, but there was no doubt that he still lagged behind in the public awareness. After the debates, this disadvantage was eliminated.
    There was a third factor of major consequence involved in the initial television appearance. In this debate, Mr. Nixon appeared thin, tired, nervous. He looked below par physically. In contrast, Mr. Kennedy was ebullient and self-confident and radiated health and energy.
    The religious issue refused to be put down in the campaign. Mr. Kennedy was compelled to return to it again and again.
    However, the climax of these efforts occurred early in the campaign when he appeared before a group of Protestant ministers in Houston, Tex.
    The group was notably hostile to him and apparently convinced that a Catholic could not act with independence and freedom in the White House.
    Confronts Accused Mr. Kennedy confronted his accusers in a dramatic hour-long session, which was televised nationally and rerun again and again in areas in which religious prejudices were known to be high.
    The high point of his presentation was a declaration that he would resign the office of the Presidency if he ever thought that his religious beliefs would not permit him to make a decision in the national interest.
    Mr. Kennedy relied upon virtually ceaseless physical activity. He campaigned all day long by airplane in long trips from one coast to another. Then he set up late night campaign meetings and tours that sometimes seemed to turn night into day--as in the case of a notable foray into Connecticut, which began at 12:30 A.M. and went on until nearly to 4 A.M. the following day.
    By Nov. 8, Election Day, each candidate had traveled more thousands of miles than any of his predecessors in American political history. Each had spoken more times and to more millions of people than any candidate before.
    Await the Returns Mr. Kennedy wound up his campaign on home territory. He spent the Monday before election in a whirlwind tour of New England, culminating in a rally in his old Boston territory. He was up early in the morning to vote in Boston and then went to his home in Hyannis Port, Mass. to wait for results.
    In Hyannis Port the whole Kennedy family was gathered--Mr. Kennedy's wife, awaiting the birth of their second child (the youngster, John F. Kennedy Jr., was born Nov. 25), his parents, his brother Robert and all the rest of the brothers, sisters, in-laws and children.
    As they awaited for the returns to come in, the family, in the old tradition, played touch football on the lawn and demonstrated that not all the Kennedy energy had been exhausted in the election campaign. That is, all played football, except for the Senator's wife, Jacqueline. She went for a long walk, alone, along the sandy beach.
    Twenty-four hours later, on the morning of Nov. 9, Mr. Nixon conceded the election to Mr. Kennedy--after one of the closest votes in recent national history.

    2013年11月28日 星期四

    Silvio Berlusconi , Vo Nguyen Giap, 1911-2013 武元甲

    Silvio Berlusconi, a former prime minister of Italy, was cast out of the Senate on November 27th, following his conviction for tax fraud. As a result, Italy's longest-serving prime minister since the second world war, a man who has dominated the public life of his country for more than 20 years, no longer has parliamentary immunity http://econ.st/1iW4X6h

    Senate Panel Votes to Stri, p Berlusconi of His Seat

    The expulsion vote against Silvio Berlusconi represents his second setback of the week, after his failed attempt to bring down the country’s fragile coalition government.


    Silvio Berlusconi

    http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Silvio_Berlusconi




    ******

    Vo Nguyen Giap, 1911-2013

    Relentless General Who Won 2 Vietnam Wars
    General Giap, who helped drive the United States and France from Vietnam, was later regarded as an elder statesman with softened views. He was thought to be 102.




    Vo Nguyen Giap
    Politician
    Võ Nguyên Giáp was a General of the Vietnam People's Army and a politician. Giáp was a principal commander in two wars: the First Indochina War and the Vietnam War. Wikipedia
     武元甲越南語Võ Nguyên Giáp,1911年8月25日-2013年10月4日)是越南共產黨越南民主共和國越南社會主義共和國越南人民軍的主要締造者和領導人之一。越南人民軍大將,參與指揮法越戰爭越南戰爭的功臣,號稱「紅色拿破崙[1]圖哈切夫斯基也曾擁有相同稱號)。曾任越南國防部長、政治局委員等職。

    生平

    1911年出生廣平省(曾經為平治天省)地主家庭,祖籍在廣平省麗水縣安舍村。1926年參加新越革命黨1930年參加「反法國殖民統治」的學生運動被捕,遣返家鄉管制。後入河內大學歷史系學習,考取法學學士文憑,在昇龍中學當過歷史教師,課餘時間在《勞動報》、《消息報》、《我們的聲音報》上投稿,又同長征發表「農民問題」的著作。1938年加入印度支那共產黨。1941年5月,第一屆第八次中央會議在高平省原平縣的北坡林區舉行,決定成立越南獨立同盟會,簡稱越盟。武元甲負責越盟總部軍事委員會。1944年12月22日負責組織「越南解放軍宣傳隊」,三天後在高平省的費克和那銀首戰告捷,任北祈革命軍事委員會委員,越南解放軍總指揮。
    1945年8月隨胡志明進駐河內越南民主共和國成立後,任國防部長。1946年12月19日,抗法戰爭爆發,任國家軍隊和民兵自衛隊總指揮。至1950年,武元甲已建立起一支包含4個步兵師的正規部隊,總兵力達1萬人。1953年12月,集中4萬多人進攻奠邊府,共殲滅法軍1.6萬人,1954年法國不得不與越南簽訂《日內瓦停戰協議》,武元甲在歐美輿論界中獲得「奠邊府之虎」美譽。
    《日內瓦停戰協議》生效之後,美國取代法國介入越南戰場,支持吳廷琰政權,企圖在1962年底以前平定越南。1968年美國在越南戰場兵力高達54萬人,同年1月底,北越發動了規模空前的「春節攻勢」。超過8萬北越軍隊和越共游擊隊對南越幾乎所有的大小城市發起了進攻。1969年,胡志明過世後,武元甲在越南政壇遭排擠,慢慢離開權力核心。11月美國空軍轟炸寮國境內胡志明小道
    1972年3月,武元甲以為南越軍已經不足畏懼,動員了幾乎全部北越軍事力量,發動了更大規模的「復活節攻勢」(越方稱「廣治戰役」)。在美軍強大的海空優勢下,北越的復活節攻勢以失敗告終,損失逾十萬人,武元甲也因此被撤職,由文進勇接任。
    復活節攻勢使美國意識到戰事已不可為,開始決定擺脫深陷日久的泥淖,1973年1月27日雙方簽署停戰協定,美軍開始全面撤退。1975年4月30日越南人民軍攻陷西貢,越南統一,史稱「430事件」。
    1979年,武元甲卸下國防部長職位。
    1981年7月任部長會議副主席。同年,離開越共政治局。1991年,辭去越南副總理職位,離開政治領域。
    2013年10月4日,武元甲去世,享年102歲[2]

    名言逸事

    武元甲有一名言:「全世界每一分鐘都有成千上萬的人死亡,一百,一千,一萬,成千上萬的人的死亡,為了革命與國家的統一,即使他們是我們的同胞,也算不得什麼。」
    2004年,針對美國與伊拉克的戰爭,武元甲對記者說:「任何想把他們的意願強加給另一個國家的人都註定失敗。」

    著作

    著有《奠邊府戰役》、《人民戰爭和人民軍隊》、《論游擊戰爭》等書。

    註釋

    參考

    • 塞西爾·柯瑞著,朱立熙譯,《勝利,不惜一切代價——二十世紀軍事奇才武元甲傳》,台北:商周,1999。

    2013年11月27日 星期三

    陳 德銘,女嬰緗緗--鄒雅婷。鄉代王貴芬

    蘋論:服貿為何過不了

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    陳 德銘來台8天7夜的行程曝光,他從南到北走了一趟台灣,幾乎天天都有藍營縣市長、藍營大老的餐宴;他來到高雄沒來跟南台灣大姊頭陳菊拜碼頭,卻與義聯集團 林義守餐敘;選擇跳過直轄市台南,跑到嘉義市與藍營市長黃敏惠晚宴。果不出我們所料,陳德銘只選擇看到他想看到的台灣。
    無獨有偶,外傳國台辦主任張志軍日前在一場內部會議中,下達加強與民進黨對話與認識,「做好2016民進黨重新執政」的準備。此說引起內部保守派的反彈,認為這可能導致「民進黨有錯誤理解」,以為毋須調整台獨政策就可在兩岸議題搶佔發言權。

    中國持續拉藍打綠

    如果對照昨天國台辦記者會嚴詞抨擊民進黨可能拋出的「憲政共識」,認為這是用模糊概念作為交往的政治基礎,「大陸不可能接受」;則上述的傳言顯然有跡可循。
    但這種態度始終是中國對台工作的最大盲點。中共選擇性地押寶藍、打壓綠,所以正面接觸國民黨人,統戰分化民進黨人,以為可以不斷複製2012年大選最後階段發動台灣大企業主幫馬英九選情拉尾盤的戲碼。
    不過,台灣人不是傻子,台灣有自己的民主體制,馬英九政績一塌胡塗,ECFA看不到預期效應,中國持續用拉藍打綠的方式介入台灣選舉,其邊際效用已經不斷地遞減。
    再換個角度看,中共若對民進黨持續堅壁清野,勢必讓綠營內部的兩岸溫和派路線受到綠營基層掣肘。國台辦此番嚴詞抨擊民進黨的「憲政共識」,卻無視此與「法理台獨」之間的巨大差距,也勢必激化綠營寸土不讓,這恐非中國對台工作所樂見。

    對台功課還沒做足

    中共念茲在茲的服貿協議無法在立法院過關,除了馬政府簽署過程隱諱,政治溝通拙劣以外,更與這股不斷被激化的民氣有關。因為這股恐懼與中國經濟整合導致台灣失去自主性的氛圍,不僅逼使民進黨在國會的40席立委堅決反對,更是大到連立法院都難以漠視。
    陳德銘說他每天看台灣4份報紙,訂了3家台灣電視頻道,希望能藉此多了解台灣。
    但如果陳德銘此行只是把跟連戰、吳伯雄杯觥交錯的場景,從北京上海搬回到台北,只選擇拜會藍營縣市長與大企業主互相取暖,以為這樣就可以了解台灣、看到台灣,那顯然他的台灣功課還是沒做足。
    妯娌不和 奶摻鹽殺嬰 大伯母收押
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    〔記者侯柏青、張文川/台北報導〕高鈉奶粉殺嬰案發十三天,終告真相大白!檢方查出女嬰大伯母鄒雅婷因妯娌不和,並認為公婆對女嬰緗緗偏心,竟把出生僅兩個月的緗緗當成復仇工具,今年九月到十月間數度把海鹽、精鹽等至少三種鹽巴,大瓢大瓢摻入緗緗食用的配方奶粉中,害死無辜小生命。事後還把「涉案鹽巴」偷放進緗緗家,企圖誤導偵辦。
    鄒女怨公婆偏心緗緗
    台北地檢署檢察官鄧定強昨先搜索鄒女住處,偵訊鄒女時,還拿出緗緗照片說:「請妳看看,這麼可愛的嬰孩,何其無辜啊!」鄒女當庭痛哭承認摻鹽,但強調無意害死姪女;檢方認定鄒女明知小嬰兒無法承受高鈉,顯有殺人犯意,聲請羈押禁見獲准。檢方雖揪出真兇,但喟嘆說:「哀矜勿喜,這是家庭悲劇!」
    檢方開庭時斥責鄒女為什麼這麼做?鄒女泣訴:「小孩出生後,公婆偏心,丈夫也成天往公婆家跑,根本不顧家,我也有兩個小孩要養,有失去一個完整家的感覺。」鄒女說,她只想讓女嬰不舒服,讓公婆質疑弟媳不會帶小孩,才會提高自己在家中的地位,沒想要害死女嬰。
    有機會就在奶粉摻鹽
    檢察官問她:「會把這種份量的鹽加到奶粉裡給妳的小孩喝嗎?」鄒女考慮十秒表示:「絕對不會,因為我知道這樣對小孩不好。」檢方痛批,正常成人每天最多攝取六公克鹽巴,但鄒女「有機會就放(鹽)」,害緗緗死於「極致高血鈉」,顯有殺人故意,當庭上銬聲押,鄒女表情木然。
    檢方查出,緗緗本月十五日拔管死亡,家屬原本控訴奶粉出問題,但陸續排除其他可能後,將調查方向轉向自家人。上週四約談緗緗祖父母、父母、大伯父夫妻、小姑姑及外婆等八名家屬到案時,已認定是熟人摻鹽,但尚未鎖定明確對象。
    據悉,當天約談鄒女時,她神情平穩,甚至以心疼口氣說:「我很疼緗緗,拜託你們趕快揪出真兇!」當時家屬全部否認摻鹽,但緗緗母親及公婆意外說出妯娌不和,讓檢方掌握新的偵查方向。
    鹽巴偷放緗緗家誤導
    檢方查出,鄒女曾在連鎖大賣場工作,丈夫目前無業,鄒女認為用無色鹽巴加在緗緗奶粉裡,不會讓人起疑,今年九月到十月間先後將至少三種不同鹽巴摻入奶粉。案發後鄒女把家裡的兩包精鹽和海鹽偷運到緗緗住處,企圖滅證及混淆視聽,也曾要求家屬不要把她抖出來,有人心軟答應。
    不過,部分家屬既已知自家人涉案,為何還在緗緗往生後,將全案推給奶粉業者?檢方不排除追查關係人有無涉及誣告。
    據中央社報導,一位女嬰家族友人昨晚八時許曾與緗緗母親通過電話,緗緗母親對於嫂子應訊完全不知情,直到看了電視新聞,才得知嫂子涉有重嫌,相當憤怒,已尋求律師協助。

    昨有媒體報導解剖報告出爐,稱緗緗體內出現非馬偕醫院使用的利尿劑,懷疑父母早就帶她到診所治療高血鈉症。檢方透露該報導與事實不符。據指出,緗緗曾到國泰醫院診療,應是國泰使用的利尿藥劑。

    ****
    囂張鄉代摑護理師 還反告長庚
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    醫學專業人才養成,競爭力激升! 立即報名,搶攻碩博士學位。
    譴責醫療暴力,林口長庚醫院發起連署,聲援遭掌摑的護理師李瑋珍。 (記者鄭淑婷攝)
    蘆竹鄉代王貴芬出示手機簡訊,有人要她下跪道歉,有人要她賠償500萬。 (記者鄭淑婷攝)
    護理師李瑋珍被掌摑兩巴掌,造成雙頰紅腫、左耳挫傷。 (擷取自臉書)
    〔記者鄭淑婷、邱奕統/桃園報導〕好囂張的民代!國民黨籍的桃園縣蘆竹鄉民代表王貴芬,只因為林口長庚醫院護理師李瑋珍拒絕在電話中告知她父親的病情,二十六日中午竟直闖加護病房護理站,甩了李瑋珍兩個巴掌。雙頰紅腫、左耳挫傷的李女,驗傷後控告王貴芬涉嫌傷害。
    李瑋珍被呼兩巴掌 雙頰紅腫左耳挫傷
    林口長庚醫院下午召開記者會,護理主任朱宗藍表示,李瑋珍是有十多年經驗的優秀護理師,醫院是照顧病人的神聖地方,絕不容許任何暴力。許多醫護人員也高喊:「譴責醫療暴力,捍衛護理師尊嚴!」連署抗議看板在短短十分鐘就被寫滿,緊急增設第二塊連署板。
    桃縣衛生局將對王貴芬 開罰3至5萬元
    桃園縣衛生局長劉宜廉表示,將依違反醫療法第廿四條第二項,對王貴芬罰款三萬元至五萬元。
    王貴芬昨天下午四點半才到派出所做筆錄,她宣稱:「我才是受害者!」受訪時數度哽咽說:「我只是著急爸爸病況的小蝦米,不了解長庚醫院為何大動作召開記者會?」
    王貴芬辯只碰到口罩 反控長庚洩露個資
    王貴芬說,爸爸病危兩度進出加護病房,她以前曾在電話中詢問過病況,李瑋珍卻不願回答。她可能是長期累積的壓力轉成無名火,才會動手,感到抱歉。但她宣稱:「我只是碰到她的N95口罩。」還質疑長庚醫院洩漏她的個資,「害」她接到數百通恐嚇電話、簡訊,她為此報警,反控長庚涉嫌洩漏個資及恐嚇。
    警方調查,二十六日上午十一點廿八分,王貴芬先打電話到內科加護病房詢問爸爸的病況,由當天負責照顧王父的護理師李瑋珍接聽,李以個資保密及病人隱私為由拒答,請王貴芬到醫院了解。王貴芬稍後直接到加護病房護理站,要求「把專科護理師跟負責護理師找來!」李瑋珍才問了一句「有什麼事嗎?」就遭王貴芬掌摑兩個耳光。
    李瑋珍驗傷後到派出所提告,警方通知王貴芬到派出所,她要求和解被李瑋珍拒絕,王藉口要開會,拒絕做筆錄後就離開。
    署名「鄭小姐」的網友在網路將這件醫療暴力曝光,並質疑:「警察接了一通電話,這名代表就離開了?」
    龜山警分局澄清,王貴芬並非現行犯,警方趕到長庚醫院時,李瑋珍已被帶去驗傷,隨後提告,警方按程序受理,沒受到壓力,也沒接到任何關說電話。
    這件醫療暴力事件,引發大批網友撻伐,並貼出王貴芬的電話號碼,王的手機被數百通電話、簡訊灌爆,有人要求她下跪道歉、要她賠償五百萬元。

    王貴芬在派出所做筆錄時,手機仍不斷響起,她拿給員警聽,對方斥罵說:「這是王貴芬的手機嗎?妳怎麼可以打人啊!」

    東海大學的人與書 (XX) :黃越宏,陳少聰,孫全文,胡宏述,李祖原,華昌宜,苑舉正,石家興+簡宛夫婦

    東海大學的人與書 (107) :

    簡宛(簡初惠   妹妹簡靜惠)
    齊邦媛《巨流河》台北:天下文化 2009 頁352 有學生石家興 (台中一中) 記載後來約 齊邦媛訪胡適的校園......


    植微所特聘講座石家興教授榮獲
    2008年家禽學會首屆Evonik Degussa大獎


    (太太簡宛1967到大度山 參考

    簡宛/著  {書中日月長}  台北:爾雅出版社1979年   寫作年表)


      

    石家興教授畢業於國立臺灣大學,於1963年獲學士學位,1966年得醫學院生化研究所碩士學位,任教東海大學3年後,於1969年獲康乃爾大學獎學金赴美進修,完成營養生化學博士學位。於伊利諾大學任博士研究後,赴北卡羅來納州立大學家禽學系任教30年,多次受邀前來本院植物暨微生物學研究所特聘講座。

      石教授於任教期間,專研生物科技於家畜業上的應用,首先開創高溫厭氧醱酵,高效率轉化糞料為沼氣能源,不僅可清潔畜場,並可保護人畜安全。石教授於沼氣池中發現雞羽毛完全化解,由於他的好奇心,引發了一連串的研究工作與成果,首先分離出分解羽毛的細菌菌種,接著純化了角蛋白酵素(keratinase),又分離出基因並定序,經過基因改造,可高產酵素。同時,在其研究室內擴大生產該酵素至150公升發酵器,目前己提升到50噸工業化生產。在應用方面,角蛋白酵素可轉化羽毛粉為可消化蛋白質,更可直接添加於動物飼養中,提高飼料中蛋白質消化率,因此,此酵素可經由營養提高肉雞生產,降低飼料成本,近年來,石教授與歐洲學者合作發現,此酵素可分解導致狂牛病的普昂蛋白(Prion protein)。以上一系列的研究成果,為石教授贏得8項世界專利。

      石教授多年專注研究工作,曾獲得多項研究獎,包括美國全國性的皮优學者獎(Pew Fellow)及今年家禽學會首屆Evonik Degussa大獎,此為家禽學會給予的最高研究成就獎,也是第一位獲得此獎的華人。石教授也熱心於推動國際合作,多年來與威爾斯,荷蘭,中國大陸,及臺灣均有多年合作交流,曾獲美國農部國際學者獎(USDA International Fellowship),Sigma Iota Zho國際合作成就獎。除此之外,石教授多年來協助母校臺灣大學開創生物科技課程及學生交流計畫,十多年來成績斐然,曾獲臺大校長獎。也曾協助創辦本院生物農業研究所(現更名為農業生物科技研究中心)。學術研究之外,8年前石教授與其長子石全博士,在美國成立生物科技公司BioResource International,成功地開發了角蛋白酵素技術,已將產品推向全球市場。


    東海大學的人與書 (106) :

    苑舉正老師近一年沒碰面.他在歐洲很久.精通法文.....
    現任臺大哲學系教授兼主任: 作品參考L臺灣大學哲學系:: 師資介紹:: 苑舉正
    苑舉正編: Scientific Reason by Ian Hacking/大學生哲學桂冠獎得...


    東海大學的人與書 (105) :

    華昌宜和李祖原等都是建築系早期的老師.......

    2010.4 台灣大學建築與城鄉研究所教授華昌宜今日指出,台灣100戶中30戶無自宅,70戶擁88宅,這才是官方的「住宅自有率」約88%的真相。面對民眾買不起房子,華昌宜接受訪問時表示,政府應該擴大「出租住宅」市場,才是解決房價居高不下之道。
    研考會舉辦的10大民怨票選,得票率超過三成以上的高房價為最恨。華昌宜以財團法人國土規劃及不動產資訊中心研究員身分,於今日發表文章指出,目前台灣房地產資訊不足,各種被扭曲或誤解的資訊中,可能以「住宅自有率」為最,以台北都會區的民怨之比例與程度應最高。
    他指出,為平抑民怨,行政院在研擬措施時又被批評為打壓房價,將使絕大多數已有住宅者的財富縮水,不利總體經濟更為政治上不智。眾聲喧嘩中,看來注重民意的閣揆左支右絀,終使政策搖擺不定
    華 昌宜綜合各項資料,以100戶相對於100宅其權屬分布推估,台灣100家戶中30戶無自宅,其中12戶租屋或配住(宿舍),18戶住於他人(親友,特別 是父母子女)之宅或與他戶共住;其它70戶擁有88宅(此為88%「自有率」之來由),其中60戶各有1宅,7戶各有2宅,3戶各有3宅或更多。
    華昌宜在「揭開高住宅自有率的真相」一文分析,無自宅的30戶中1/3可能為社經極端弱勢,早已放棄擁屋期望;但其它2/3則從有望擁宅變為絕望者,最為憤怒。另一端擁有2宅或更多的10戶顯然因財富增值為受益者。
    他 指出,至於中間僅自有1宅者則較為複雜,因為這批人的紙面財富增加,但仍要住在其中,另一方面他們若想換屋,則因房價高漲而無法如願,所以總體而言也應是 「受害者」。此外,他們本想投資於房地產者可能不得不縮手,而眼看此波漲價利益從手中飛去而集中於富者,而心忿不已。
    華昌宜綜合分析結果顯示,除了擁有2宅或更多的10戶,其餘的90戶可能不滿意現狀甚至有恨。而他在接受本報採訪時也表示,台灣的「出租住宅」太少了,大家才會被逼的去買房子,政府應該向國外一樣擴大這方面的市場,來紓緩這波房價過高的趨勢。
    華昌宜進一步表示,今年年底的選舉、甚至於兩年後的大選都已難逃房價及無殼蝸牛一議題。朝野應把戶宅關係之實況及其民意攤明來談,釐清這項住宅公共政策才是上策。

    華昌宜(Chang-I Hua) - TEPS-期刊查詢結果



    東海大學的人與書 (104) :李祖原

    李祖原與許達然老師當東海助教時,兩人合住現在學生第七宿舍。許老師說他很後悔當年沒將李祖原的許多習畫收藏起來。

    李祖原- 维基百科,自由的百科全书 - Wikipedia

    李祖原(1938年12月30日-),出生於中華民國廣東省,台灣建築師。致力於研究繼承具大中華傳統特色的新建築,發展“圓氣”建築理論。台灣第一與第二高樓台北101、.....

     建成圓環台北市2002年完工---大師也沒法救台北市馬英九......




    東海大學的人與書 (103)
    胡宏述/留美知名藝術設計教育家 :多年來,胡宏述先生沉浸於他的專業之中。他是一位傑出的教師,身兼設計師、畫家、雕塑家、建築師、哲學家、工藝師和製造者,他的作品橫跨建築、裝置藝術、公共藝術、家具、一般產品、玩具及包裝設計。
    胡宏述(成大建築48級)於1935年生於上海,畢業於臺灣成功大學建築系,先後任教於中原理工學院及東海大學建築系,東海建築系在草創時期,陳其寬先生擔任系主任,胡教授是他的助手......我的血- 胡宏述學長 - 成大校友聯絡中心- 國立成功大學
     .1964年進入美國Cranbrook藝術學院設計系,攻讀MFA學位/.1966-1968年任教於北愛荷華大學.1968年應聘於愛荷華大學,擔任設計系主任直至2003年榮譽退休

    基本設計:智性、理性和感性的孕育

    本書從26個設計論點發展出28個習作,透過很多習作,引導學生學習基本設計概念,一步一步學習設計方面的最基本問題,從一個新的角度去瞭解幾何上的關係。本書提供設計學院、藝術學院學生必須熟知的基礎知識,也可供其他專業學生接觸設計、藝術時使用。



    東海大學的人與書 (102) :

     孫全文老師雖然是台南成大的榮譽教授,不過我1987年與他和王錦堂老師吃過飯,他在東海任過教。Findbook > 搜尋> 作者- 孫全文  第一頁有他的幾本近作


    Jürgen Joedicke《近代建築史》A history of modern architecture ( 1959 )孫全文譯  台北:臺隆書店1974

    建築史的書永不嫌少.
    這本圖文都好. 當然對於社會的互動力說法頗弱
    由於孫全文的譯只有人名索引而已
    諸如IIT的校園之設計就分成兩處.在材料創新.

    東海大學的人與書 (101) :黃越宏
    書名:戴著鐵漢面具的司法小丑(長期觀察黃世銘實錄)
    作者:黃越宏
    出版:法治時報社2013
    黃越宏這本書看完,你會更加相信,黃世銘真的是台灣司法史上最無恥的幾個人之一(而且排名很前面),我幫越宏寫序的時候,心裡突然想到高植澎案裡那兩位受牽連而往生的護士(一自殺,一罹癌),我希望她們的在天之靈,這一陣子能夠看到黃世銘的不堪下場,天佑台灣司法
    http://whiteeyeishere.blogspot.tw/2013/11/blog-post_26.html

    觀念

    黃越宏
      一九五六年生,東海大學政治系畢,十五年報社記者、特派員、副主任等資歷,寫過專欄及著作,跑過形形色色的新聞,見過各式各樣的人,交過不同層次的朋友,但他深覺這兩年來採訪許董事長,是以往人生經驗中從未有過,卻最豐富的收穫。態度:鄭淑敏的人生筆記
    楊澤泉:黃越宏(東海廿一政治)更是不凡,他有個出名的哥黃越欽和姊黃越綏。但我覺得他辦「法治時報」的直間接影響力絕不下於兄姊。

    5年 120個截稿日
     很多朋友不解,我為什麼會辦一份這麼冷僻的刊物?
     坦白說,我自己也很不解。

     好像就是時間到了,就是想辦它,就是想要出版這麼一份刊物,總之,真正的創辦理由和原因,我也說不上口,其實,很多時候原因和理由並不重要,重要的是,我們還在!
     為什麼辦法治時報,我可能說不出所以然來,但,如果問我,如何才能辦一份專業小眾型報紙,那我可就說得上話了!
     我常常說,網路時代是小眾刊物的時代,是兩極化的時代,媒體刊物要麼就是極大化,不然嘛,就是極小化。
     極大化就像軍團作戰,各種部隊武器和軍種,都必須到齊,極小化就像區域戰,兵種愈簡單愈好,作戰區域愈明確愈好。
     記得剛剛創辦之初,為了節省派送費用,特別打聽到,郵局收費是以重量計,且是以五十公克為單位,如果高於五十公克,就是兩倍價錢,當時,我們要求印刷紙張的總重量,一定不可以超過48公克,為的是,要留2公克的空間,用作包裝和貼名條及郵票的重量。
     為了全面掌握印刷流程,我們每個單項都分別找廠商,也就是所謂的「小包」,結果,經常出狀況,曾經有一期印製了四天,還在不同廠商之間游走,無法送到郵局派送。
     這些辛苦,我們都謹記教訓,一一設法改進,五年來,經歷了120個截稿日,我們精益求精的改進每一個小地方,請相信我們,我們還會 法治時報社 社長 黃越宏

    期許 更多的共鳴
     法治時報五歲了!
     多虧黃社長自始專一的方向,與許多專業的客席作者和記者們努力的心血,讓本報得以在司法這塊硬土上生根發芽,日益茁壯。我們唯有繼續堅持,善盡媒體監督之責,同時也希望陸續新增的紀庭長開講與好法官專欄能引發更多佳作的迴響與共鳴。
     這一期如何當個好法官專欄,直指做好基本功才能讓自己在開庭時不會像個笨蛋,至於需要哪些基本功,就留待讀者們仔細拜讀,功力深厚的法官如何累積實力,百姓也可藉此認清法官良莠。
     而檢方濫訴的問題則有烏龍檔案探討,期待惡檢欺民狀況可以大幅降低,別再總是憑藉惡名搏版面。
     重頭戲封面專欄,知名的元大都更案之所以鬧騰,大半原因是出自台北市長郝龍斌對其下部屬的放任;市府團隊應為事項竟然盡數委由建商自己一手包辦甚至代為操弄,無怪乎惹來不公的抗議聲浪,認為市府已成財團傀儡。
     其他除了精彩的官場點滴專欄與讀者對上期監察院燒毀公文之迴響以外,訴訟心法也特別值得一讀,對打官司絕對有幫助。
     另,因應暑假期間,7/19~7/23為編輯部員工自強活動,社內電話若無人接聽,歡迎各位讀者將投訴意見直接寄送至本社電子郵件信箱:085lpla@gmail.com,我們將於上班日再予以回覆。
     敬祝各位讀者暑期愉快、順心平安!



    東海大學的人與書 (100)
     
    將100號給一位久聞其大名而幾乎還沒讀過他作品的 陳學姐:陳少聰


    陳少聰
      祖籍山東,小時曾在浙江住過,在台灣淡水長大。畢業於東海大學外文系後,赴美國愛荷華大學修習宗教及文學,獲英美文學碩士學位。曾在加州大學附設的中國研究中心任助理研究員。後又在華盛頓大學專修臨床心理治療課程,獲社會工作碩士學位。在美任心理治療師二十餘年。著作繁體字版有《水蓮》、《女伶》、《航向愛琴海》、《有一道河從中間流過》、青少年讀物《偉大的靈魂:甘地》等,簡體字版有《捕夢網》、《有一種候鳥》。譯作有《柏格曼與第七封印》。曾獲時報文學獎散文獎、吳魯芹散文獎。長年居住於美國加州灣區。


     《永遠的外鄉人》印刻,2010
    http://www.books.com.tw/products/0010487239
     身為外鄉人,我們扮演不了任何戲中的角色,深深地感受到自己不屬於這個社會……
    一次返鄉之旅,記憶中的青石板路,讓人毫無心防地踏進了時光隧道,回到一個戰亂的年代,一個兩千年歷史的古城,那是母親的故鄉,也是流離的起點。 作者彷彿洄游的鮭魚、返航的海燕,半生的天涯流轉,還是要到最原初的所在,才能為一生回眸。然而那不只是一個家族的往事,也是一代人無力扭轉的命運,以及 一個國家歷史的縮影。1950年,作者的母親帶著三個孩子,從深圳偷渡進香港,搭船到高雄港與父親會合,一家人在白色恐怖陰影下度過克難時代;父親哼唱的 《四郎探母》,是歷史丕變下被犧牲的那一代,無處申訴的苦悶。然而相對父輩,於夾縫中僥倖逢生的後一代,卻成了犬儒的一代,處處為家,卻也是永遠的外路 人、外鄉人;他們不是回不了家,而是無家。和上一輩相反,他們的傷感或許卻是,無能擁有鄉愁。從中國到台灣,再從台灣到美國;回返父母的家鄉,卻不知自己 的家在哪裡。

    我知道有些國軍中曾任師長、軍長的將官,因為被共軍俘虜過,在台灣「永不錄用」,潦倒以終。且不管個人事業的得失,像陳智那一輩在台灣的國軍官兵,內心深 處,恐怕都有一股說不出口的鬱結、悲憤,大陸戰敗,打擊太過沉重,國軍內傷,難以復原,也無法痊癒。成王敗寇,連當年抗日的輝煌歷史也遭抹煞殆盡。中共至 今還不肯承認國軍領導抗戰,而在台灣自己的政府對這段悲壯歷史竟然也輕忽漠視,甚至扭曲。──白先勇
    《永遠的外鄉人》這本書,在2年半後才找到,先借給曹永洋學長之後,才先讀她寫她在心理諮商的心得和送別父母過程。


     與「張愛玲」擦肩而過

    陳少聰  (20050713) 中時人間副刊
        
        這大半輩子以來,與不少名人有過擦肩而過的緣分,但至今依舊教我覺得深為悵惘的,莫過於與張愛玲的一段特殊的際會。雖然事隔三十餘年,張先生辭世也已經十年了,這段因緣至今依然「別是一般滋味在心頭」。也許現在終於到了傾吐的時候了。

        一 九六九年秋天,我住在加州柏克萊,那時剛從愛荷華大學讀完碩士,開始在加大附設的中國研究所的語文部門打工。本來那裡的資深研究員是莊信正(在莊之前是夏濟安先生),那年莊信正另有他就,他的位子由他舉薦張愛玲接任。張和我兩人當時是語文部門僅有的兩個工作人員。在職位上我應當是她的助理。我們的上司則由 加大東亞系的陳世驤教授兼任。陳教授愛才心切,特別把張先生從東岸聘請到所裡來。他因愛惜張愛玲的曠世才情,一心想為張安插個有充分自由的差事,好讓她有 精力多創作,並沒仔細考慮過她是否適合做這類學院派的研究性工作。 

        第 一次見到張愛玲是在陳先生為她接風的晚宴上。陪客還有三、四位其他教授。我的全副注意力都聚焦在張的身上,那時期我是不折不扣的「張迷」。她所有著作我沒有不讀的。在她身邊我變得小心翼翼,羞怯乖巧。儘管我的內心萬般希冀著能與她接近,與她溝通,當時我卻連話也不會說,也不敢說。我幾乎聽見自己心底迫切誠 摯的呼喊:相信我吧!在我身上你會找到一個真正崇拜你了解你的知音!請放下你自衛的盾牌吧!

        那 晚張很文雅地周旋於賓客之間。她不主動找人說話,好像總在回答別人的問題。說話時臉上帶著淺淺禮貌性的微笑。她穿著一襲銀灰色帶暗花的絲質旗袍(後來她一 直都穿顏色保守的素色旗袍)。那年她四十九歲。身材偏高,十分瘦削。中度長短的鬈髮,看得出是理髮師的成品。她臉上略施了些粉,淡紅的唇膏微透著銀光。她 的近視眼度數不淺,以致看人時總是瞇著眼睛,眼光裡彷彿帶著問號,有時讓你不敢確定她是否在看著你。

       

        過 了不久,陳教授又請了一次客。晚飯後請大家到校園劇場去看美國版的「琵琶記」。在劇院裡,我懷著緊張興奮的心情,坐在她的旁邊。這次她給我的印象與頭次相仿。還是一身素雅的旗袍,淡淡的粉光掩飾著她蒼白的容顏。在中場休息的時間,她從皮包裡拿出了粉鏡,對鏡捋了捋本已一絲不亂的頭髮(後來有一兩次我也曾在 大街上瞥見她對著店鋪的玻璃窗捋著她的頭髮)。她的話有限。只記得她說了些有關原本「琵琶記」的作品背景,不知是否因為當時過分緊張興奮,我竟然記不得那 次交談的其他內容了。

        不 久之後,張先生開始正式上任了。所裡上班鐘點頗具伸縮性,尤其由於她的「巨星」身分,更有充分的自由安排她的工作時間,反正到年終交得出研究論文來就行。 張先生總是過了中午才到,等大家都下班了,她往往還留在辦公室。平日難得有機會與同事見到面,也沒有人去注意她的來去,大家祇是偶然在幽暗的走廊一角驚鴻 地瞥見她一閃而過的身影。她經常目不斜視,有時面朝著牆壁,有時朝地板。只聞窸窸窣窣、跌跌沖沖一陣腳步聲,廊裡留下似有似無的淡淡粉香。

        那時與我同時在中國研究所打工的研究生還有宋楚瑜和劉大任。宋沉穩持重不苟言笑;劉則尖銳俏皮,言談機鋒。我們閒聊時偶爾不免會提及張先生來去的神秘蹤影。大任曾打趣說:「張愛玲是咱們辦公室的靈魂嘛!」一語雙關,玄妙自在其中。

        張先生自從來過陳家兩次之後,就再沒見她出來應酬過。陳先生和夫人再三邀請,她都婉拒了。陳教授儘管熱情好客,也不便勉強,只好偶爾以電話致候。

        一九六九年太空人登陸月球那一天,陳教授夫婦開車經過城西的San Pablo大街,湊巧撞見張先生站在路邊,正仰頭瞇眼張望電線桿上的招貼,手裡提著一個大紙盒。陳先生連忙煞車,問她在找什麼,她說在找公共汽車站。她近視得厲害,竟把電線桿當成站牌了。在送她回家的路上,陳先生才弄明白,原來張今天特別趕去買電視機,準備觀看今晚登陸月球的實況轉播。陳先生事後對我們說:「可見張先生對世界大事還是挺感興趣的,我們大家本來還以為她完全不食人間煙火呢?」

       

        我和她同一辦公室,在走廊盡頭。開門之後,先是我的辦公園地,再推開一扇門進去,裡面就是她的天下了。我和她之間只隔一層薄板,呼吸咳嗽之聲相聞。她每天大 約一點多鐘到達,推開門,朝我微微一粲,一陣煙也似地溜進了裡屋,一整個下午再也難得見她出來。我盡量識相地按捺住自己,不去騷攪她的清靜,但是,身為她 的助理,工作上我總不能不對她有所交代。有好幾次我輕輕叩門進去,張先生便立刻靦腆不安地從她的座椅上站了起來,瞇眼看著我,卻又不像看見我,於是我也不 自在了起來。她不說話;我只好自說自話。她靜靜地聽我囁囁嚅嚅語焉不詳地說了一會兒,然後神思恍惚答非所問地敷衍了我幾句,我恍恍惚惚懵懵懂懂地點點頭, 最後狼狼狽狽地落荒而逃。

        這類「荒謬劇場」式的演出,彩排了幾次之後,我終於知難而退,沒法再續演下去。魯鈍的我終於漸漸覺悟了這個事實:對於張先生來說,任何一個外人所釋出的善意、恭敬,乃至期望與她溝通的意圖,對她都是一種精神的負擔和心理的壓力。至少那一個時期的她確是如此。

        從此我改變了作法。每過幾個星期,我將一疊我做的資料卡用橡皮筋扣好,趁她不在時放在她的桌上,上面加一小字條。除非她主動叫我做什麼,我絕不進去打攪她。 結果,她一直堅持著她那貫徹始終的沈寂。在我們「共事」將近一年的日子裡,張先生從來沒對我有過任何吩咐或要求。我交給她的資料她後來用了沒用我也不知道,因為不到一年我就離開加州了。

        深悉了她的孤僻之後,為了體恤她的心意,我又採取了一個新的對策:每天接近她到達之時刻,我便索性避開一下,暫時溜到圖書室去找別人閒聊,直到確定她已經平安穩妥地進入了她的孤獨王國之後,才回歸原位。這樣做完全是為了讓她能夠省掉應酬我的力氣。

        那陣子剛讀完她的新書《半生緣》不久,接著人家又借給我一部胡蘭成寫的《今生今世》,其中有一章以「民國女子張愛玲」為題,深入地書寫張先生。我讀得過癮極 了,但同時又覺得有幾分罪過感,彷彿自己躲在她背後偷窺私密似的。但是胡蘭成的描述真是生動,也更加深了我對張愛玲的了解和尊重。

        當 時正值加大學生鬧學潮,學生發起的言論自由運動如火如荼,反越戰示威也轟轟烈烈。身為外國學生的我們,總像隔岸觀火。人家搞革命我們湊不進去。自己的國家 又遠在天邊……台灣正值白色恐怖高峰期;大陸文化大革命毒焰方興未艾,我們這些外國學生的心態不免陷入惶措鬱悶的低潮,雖然我一向對政治反應遲鈍,然而夾 在一批血氣僨張、雄辯滔滔的知識青年當中,難免也感染到周遭的苦悶徬徨。一頭栽進張愛玲的世界,似乎是我個人逃避方法之一。在那段苦悶的歲月裡,她的視野 變成了我的世界;她精絕的文字,成了我渴望的麻醉劑。

        隔著一層板壁,我聽見她咳嗽,她跌跌沖沖的腳步聲。我是張愛玲週邊一名躡手躡腳的仰慕者。方圓十呎之空間內我們扮演了將近一年的啞劇。我是如此地渴望溝通與相知;而她,卻始終堅守她那輝煌的孤絕與沉寂。

        初春時節,柏城路邊的紅梅花開得最是燦爛。有天早晨出門時我順手摘了幾枝。在辦公室舊櫥裡找到一只缺了口的白瓷壺,我把一捧紅梅插了進去,看來居然像日式盆藝。我頗為得意,順手把它放在她的案頭,沒去想過她會如何反應的問題。那幾天我們也沒機會碰面。又過了幾天,聽說她病了。我打了電話去問候,並問她需不需 要我為她買什麼藥物之類。她住的公寓在Durant街,距辦公室只有三個街口,我很容易為她效勞,她自然婉拒了。後來我還是不放心,逕自照她所說的症狀到中藥房配了幾副草藥,送去她的公寓。我撳了下門鈴,心裡知道她不會來開門,我把藥包留在門外地下就離開了。

        幾天後,張回來上班了。我們中間的門仍掩著。在書桌上我發現了一張寫著「謝謝」的小字條,壓在一小瓶Channel#5香水的下面。我只好嘆息了。真是咫尺天涯啊!我深深感受到沉重的無奈與悲涼。一半為她,一半為我自己,我感到一絲泫然。

        我終於徹底醒悟張先生是個徹底與俗世隔絕之人。一幅荒漠的意象在我心底浮現出來:在一片空蕪廣袤的荒漠上,天荒地老,杳無人跡,所見僅僅是地平線盡頭一輪明月,孤零零冷清清地兀自照著,荒漠上只見張踽踽獨行的背影。私底下我曾一再渴望她偶爾回眸,發現有一雙真摯忠誠的目光正追隨著她。這當然是我一廂情願之 想,其實張先生早已拂袖奔月去了。

        十年前在廣播中聽到張先生辭世的消息,我並不特別驚訝。她辭世的方式,顯然出於她自己的選擇。我覺得早在二十年前她對生存方式的抉擇與後來她辭世的方式如出一轍,前後完全一致。我對她的抉擇,唯有持一分敬意與尊重。

       

        不止一次,朋友們都勸我把這段「不遇」之緣寫出來發表,我都搖搖頭,因為一向怕湊熱鬧。況且這段往事是屬於她和我個人之間的「隱私」,潛意識裡我想我寧可將之珍藏於心,唯恐一說出來就會失去了什麼似的。

        我怕失去的到底是什麼呀?我問自己,難道怕失去我們從未曾擦亮過的火花?我又不得不笑了。

        有一年雷驤帶了他的電影工作隊來到柏克萊。他要拍十二位二十世紀中國文學巨擘的紀錄性影片,張愛玲是其中一位。那時她尚在世,住在洛杉磯。雷驤找到我作尋訪舊蹟的嚮導,我義不容辭地充任了一次「白頭宮女話天寶」的角色,帶他們回到城中心2168 Shattuck 街,坐電梯上三樓舊地。指出長廊頂端張愛玲和我的辦公室,指出宋楚瑜工作過的圖書室,劉大任待過的小房間……研究所早已搬到加大校園去了,此地已改為商業寫字間。長廊裡光線亮了許多。一扇扇掩著的門扉後傳出說話的聲息和機器操作聲。

        我想起了「辦公室的靈魂」一語,不覺獨自莞爾。走廊上再也聽不到張愛玲跌跌沖沖的腳步聲。那淡淡的粉香,猶似有似無地在廊裡游移飄浮著。