絲絨革命舵手 捷克前總統哈維爾辭世
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| 捷克前總統哈維爾十八日過世，圖為○九年檔案照。 （歐新社） |
享壽75歲
〔編 譯管淑平／綜合報導〕率領捷克斯洛伐克一九八九年非暴力「絲絨革命」、推翻共產黨統治的捷克前總統哈維爾十八日過世，享壽七十五歲。哈維爾當年以詩人、劇 作家的文化人身分推動民主運動、促使共黨下台，成為捷克史詩民主奮鬥史的英雄，他也獲選共黨政權瓦解後的捷克斯洛伐克聯邦總統。在他總統任內，捷克與斯洛 伐克和平分離、各自獨立，捷克轉型民主、自由市場經濟。
哈維爾的秘書譚契柯娃十八日表示，長期罹病的哈維爾十八日上午在位於捷克北部的週末 住所過世，生前最後一段時間，是在妻子和照顧他的修女陪伴下度過。曾是老菸槍的哈維爾，幾十年來都受慢性呼吸道疾病所苦，也曾罹患肺癌；過世前最後幾次公 開露面，包括一週前坐著輪椅在布拉格與來訪的西藏精神領袖達賴喇嘛會晤，身形都愈見孱弱。
劇作家出身 投身捷克民主運動
舞台工作人員、劇作家出身的哈維爾，一九六○年代開始投身民主運動，六八年的「布拉格之春」後更為積極，以寫作批判時政；七七年他領導異議知識份子發表著名的「七七憲章」人權宣言，受到國際矚目，但也因此在七九年遭判刑入獄四年。
一 九八四年出獄後，哈維爾持續推動民主，促成八九年十二月二十九日捷克斯洛伐克首次民主選舉，哈維爾獲選為總統，以非暴力手段終結共黨統治、政權和平轉移， 即所謂「絲絨革命」。他擔任總統後，捷克與斯洛伐克分家的呼聲高漲，最終於九二和九三年各自獨立，哈維爾在九三年一月獲選為獨立後的捷克共和國總統，並於 九八年連任，二○○三年卸任。
多次在國際上為台灣仗義執言
靦 腆、帶書卷氣的哈維爾，被視為人民力量和平推翻集權統治的象徵，他的名言：「真理和愛必戰勝謊言和仇恨」，是他帶領捷克民主化運動的座右銘，也是畢生奉行 的圭臬。哈維爾譏諷共產黨統治下的捷克是「荒誕國度」，卸任總統後致力全球民主人權，曾多次在國際上為台灣仗義執言，○四年曾訪問台灣；○八年俄羅斯入侵 喬治亞後，他批評俄羅斯政府，也勸告歐洲領袖「不應視而不見」。哈維爾曾呼籲中國政府釋放異議人士劉曉波，劉曉波受哈維爾「七七憲章」啟發，起草「○八憲 章」呼籲中國民主改革遭當局逮捕。他說，全球經濟危機是一個警訊，提醒世人爭取繁榮不能拋棄基本人性價值。他對捷克民主的貢獻、以及後來致力達佛、緬甸民 主、人權，讓他曾數度被提名角逐諾貝爾和平獎，也獲美國前總統布希頒贈「總統自由勳章」，讚譽他是「一名最偉大的自由英雄」。
梅克爾盛讚「偉大的歐洲人」
捷 克總理Necas說，哈維爾是「我國共和的象徵和代表，他是上個世紀、也是這個世紀初最重要的政治人物之一，他的逝世是一大損失。」各國領袖也紛紛發表聲 明致哀，向這名捷克民主運動靈魂人物致敬。出身東德共黨的德國總理梅克爾讚揚，哈維爾是「偉大的歐洲人」，他為民主、自由的奮鬥，一如其展現的偉大人性一 樣永誌人心，「尤其是我們德國人，有許多要向他感謝的」。
//平凡人如何反抗暴政？就從生活細節中不服從。Zantovsky 舉例，哈維爾等人 1977 年發起簽署《七七憲章》爭取人權自由，惹怒捷克共產黨；政府除了鐵腕滅聲，也立刻發起輿論戰（很熟悉的手法），組織藝術家、劇團工作者、文人等簽署「反七七憲章」活動，以壯聲勢。很多藝術家為保工作，無奈簽署表忠，但少部分人卻大條道理，提出要求：你要我簽名表態反對，無問題，但總得讓我看看要反的是什麼才落筆簽署；當時《七七憲章》屬違禁品，政府當然不讓你看，於是好些人不簽，最後不了了之…//
Vaclav Havel, Dissident Playwright Who Led Czechoslovakia, Dead at 75
By DAN BILEFSKY and JANE PERLEZ
Published: December 18, 2011
Vaclav Havel, the Czech writer and dissident whose eloquent dissections of Communist rule helped to destroy it in revolutions that brought down the Berlin Wall and swept Havel himself into power, died on Sunday. He was 75.
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On Dec. 29, 1989, Vaclav Havel was elected Czechoslovakia’s president by the country’s still-communist parliament. More Photos »
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Havel, Still a Man of Morals and Mischief (October 14, 2009)
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A Czech embassy spokesman in Paris, Michal Dvorak, said in a statement that Mr. Havel, a heavy smoker for decades who almost died during surgery for lung cancer in 1996, had been suffering from severe respiratory ailments since last spring.
A shy yet resilient, unfailingly polite but dogged man who articulated the power of the powerless, Mr. Havel spent five years in and out of Communist prisons, lived for two decades under close secret-police surveillance and endured the suppression of his plays and essays. He served 14 years as president, wrote 19 plays, inspired a film and a rap song and remained one of his generation’s most seductively nonconformist writers.
All the while, he came to personify the soul of the Czech nation. His moral authority and his moving use of the Czech language cast him as the dominant figure during Prague street demonstrations in 1989 and as the chief behind-the-scenes negotiator who brought about the end of more than 40 years of Communist rule and the peaceful transfer of power known as the Velvet Revolution, a revolt so smooth that it took just weeks to complete, without a single shot fired.
He was chosen as democratic Czechoslovakia’s first president — a role he insisted was more duty than aspiration — and after the country split in January 1993, he became president of the Czech Republic. He linked the country firmly to the west, clearing the way for the Czech Republic to join the North Atlantic Treaty Organization in 1999 and the European Union five years later.
Both as a dissident and as a national leader, Mr. Havel impressed the West as one of the most important political thinkers in Central Europe. He rejected the notion, posited by reform-minded Communist leaders like Mikhail S. Gorbachev in the Soviet Union and Alexander Dubcek in Czechoslovakia, that Communist rule could be made more humane.
His star status and personal interests drew world leaders to Prague, from the Dalai Lama, with whom Mr. Havel meditated for hours, to President Bill Clinton, who, during a state visit in 1994, joined a saxophone jam session at Mr. Havel’s favorite jazz club.
Even after Mr. Havel retired in 2003, leaders sought him out, including President Obama. At their meeting in March 2009, Mr. Havel warned of the perils of limitless hope being projected onto a leader. Disappointment, he noted, could boil over into anger and resentment. Mr. Obama replied that he was becoming acutely aware of the possibility.
It was as a dissident that Mr. Havel most clearly championed the ideals of a civil society. He helped found Charter 77, the longest enduring human rights movement in the former Soviet bloc, and keenly articulated the lasting humiliations that Communism imposed on the individual.
In his now iconic 1978 essay, “The Power of the Powerless,” which circulated in underground editions in Czechoslovakia and was smuggled to other Warsaw Pact countries and to the West, Mr. Havel foresaw that the opposition could eventually prevail against the totalitarian state.
Mr. Havel, a child of bourgeois privilege whose family lost its wealth when the Communists came to power in 1948, first became active in the Writers Union in Czechoslovakia in the mid-1960s, when his chief target was not Communism so much as it was the “reform Communism” that many were seeking.
During the Prague Spring of 1968, the brief period when reform Communists, led byMr. Dubcek, believed that “Socialism with a human face” was possible, Mr. Havel argued that Communism could never be tamed.
He wrote an article, “On the Theme of an Opposition,” that advocated the end of single-party rule — a bold idea at the time. In May 1968, he was invited by the American theater producer Joseph Papp to see the New York Shakespeare Festival’s production of his second play, “The Memorandum.”
It was the last time Mr. Havel was allowed out of the country under Communist rule; the visit contributed to an abiding affection for New York.
After the Soviets sent tanks to suppress the Prague reforms in August 1968, Mr. Havel persisted in the fight for political freedom. In August 1969 he organized a petition of 10 points that repudiated the politics of “normalization” with the Soviet Union. He was accused of subversion, and in 1970 was vilified on state television and banned as a writer.
At the time, tens of thousands of Communists were expelled from the party, deemed too sympathetic to the Dubcek reforms that were being reversed by the Czechoslovak leader Gustav Husak. Mr. Havel kept writing, and in 1975, in an open letter to Mr. Husak — the leader he eventually replaced — he attacked the regime, arguing that Czechoslovakia operated under “political apartheid” that separated the rulers from the ruled.
The government, Mr. Havel wrote, had chosen “the most dangerous road for society: the path of inner decay for the sake of outward appearances; of deadening life for the sake of increasing uniformity.”
In 1977, Mr. Havel was one of three leading organizers of Charter 77, a group of 242 signers who called for the human rights guaranteed under the 1975 Helsinki accords. Mr. Havel was quickly arrested, tried and convicted of subversion and served three months in prison. He was arrested again in May 1979 on a charge of subversion and was sentenced to four and a half years.
1977年，哈維爾先生是77憲章的三個主要組織者之一，它由 242人簽名，呼籲當局根據1975年的赫爾辛基協議來保障人權。哈維爾先生很快就被逮捕，依顛覆罪被審判並定罪，他在監獄服刑3個月。 1979年5月，他再次被捕，並被判處 4年半顛覆罪，。
The severity of this sentence brought protests from the Communist parties in France, Italy and Spain. Mr. Havel was eventually released in February 1983, suffering from pneumonia.
對於這項重判，法國，意大利和西班牙共產黨都群起抗議。哈維爾先生最終在1983年2月因肺炎而被釋放。
In prison, he was prohibited from writing anything but letters about “family matters” to his wife. These missives, he said, enabled him to make some sense of his incarceration. One of his themes was a warning to his persecutors that by their repression of human freedom, they were ultimately undercutting their own existence.
在獄中，他除了給妻子寫些“家庭事務”的信件之外，都是被禁止的。他說，這些家書(missives)使他的監禁不致完全無意義。書信的主題之一就是向他的迫害者提出警告，說他們對於人類自由的壓制，最終將削弱他們自身的存在。
His refusal to break with Charter 77 led to other, briefer periods of detention as his celebrity status grew abroad. In January 1989, he was detained and tried after defying police orders to stay away from a demonstration.
His refusal to break with Charter 77 led to other, briefer periods of detention as his celebrity status grew abroad. In January 1989, he was detained and tried after defying police orders to stay away from a demonstration.
他拒絕與77憲章切割而讓他多次被短暫的拘留，因他在國外的知名度讓他免受長期囚禁。 1989年1月，他因違警--不願離開某一示威—而被拘留並判刑。
His release in May that year marked the beginning of the end for Czechoslovakia’s Communist government, which was badly out of step with reforms under way in neighboring Poland and Hungary and, under the leadership of Mr. Gorbachev, in the Soviet Union itself.
他當年在5月被釋放，當時正標誌著捷克斯洛伐的克共產黨政府垮台的開始，因為當時捷克的改革，嚴重落後於鄰國波蘭和匈牙利以及戈爾巴喬夫先生的領導下在蘇聯本身的改革步調。
During the 1980s, Mr. Havel refused government pressure to emigrate. Not widely known at home outside dissident and intellectual circles in Prague, he became a focus for some Western diplomats and visitors, who would tramp up to the top-floor apartment of a six-story house that his father had built and philosophize with Mr. Havel while gazing across the Vltava River at the Castle.
在20世紀 80年代，哈維爾先生拒絕政府要求他移民的壓力。他除了在布拉格的異議者和知識份子圈子之內，很少為捷克國人所知，可是某些些西方外交官和遊客卻常會造訪他，他們會走到哈維爾父親所建的六層樓的頂層，一邊與他談論世事哲理，一邊凝視著流經布拉格的城堡的伏爾塔瓦河。
The Vltava's bend in Prague
Vltava
River, Czech Republic. The Czech Republic's longest river, it flows 270 mi (435 km). The river rises in southwestern Bohemia from two headstreams in the Bohemian Forest. It flows first southeast, then north across Bohemia and empties into the Elbe River.
The Vltava (
listen ; German: Moldau) is the longest river in the Czech Republic, running north from its source in Šumava through Český Krumlov, České Budějovice, and Prague, merging with the Elbe at Mělník. It is 430 km long and drains about 28,090 km2; at their confluence the Vltava actually has more water than the Elbe, but joins the Elbe at a right angle to its flow so that it appears a mere tributary. The river is crossed by 18 bridges and runs through Prague over 31 km.[1] Several dams were built on it in the 1950s, the biggest being Lipno Dam in Šumava.In August 2002 a flood of the Vltava killed several people and caused massive damage and disruption along its length.
The best-known of the classical Czech composer Bedřich Smetana's set of six symphonic poems Má vlast ("My Motherland") is called Vltava (or The Moldau), and is a musical depiction of the river's course through Bohemia.
He earned virtually nothing from the menial job he was forced to take at a brewery, but had money from the royalties of publications overseas. He bought a Mercedes-Benz and decorated his book-crammed apartment with abstract paintings. He also owned the cottage at Hradecek where he died.
他被迫在一家釀酒廠做工，可是那兒的待遇幾乎為零，但他從海外出版物的版稅，讓他得以錢買一輛賓士牌汽車，並可以在他那樓書滿為患的寓所中，買些抽象繪畫來裝飾。他過世時住的Hradecek小屋也是他自己的。
Mr. Havel’s chance at power came in November 1989, eight days after the Berlin Wall fell.
在1989年11月，即，柏林牆倒塌八天之後，哈維爾先生有機會掌權了
A tentative dialogue had already started when the police broke up an officially sanctioned student demonstration on Nov. 17, beating many demonstrators and arresting others.
當警察在11月17日驅散某一正式認可的學生示威，毆打並逮捕多名示威者時，就已開始短暫的對話。
Two days later, Mr. Havel convened a meeting in the Magic Lantern, a Prague theater, and he and other dissidents established the Civic Forum. It called for the resignation of the leading Communists, investigation of the police action and the release of all political prisoners. The next day, an estimated 200,000 people took to the streets in Prague — the first of several demonstrations that ended Communist domination.
It was in the theater’s smoke-filled rooms that Mr. Havel mapped the strategy and proclamations that finally undermined Communist rule. “It was extraordinary the degree to which everything ultimately revolved around this one man,” wrote the historian Timothy Garton Ash, who was present.
“In almost all the Forum’s major decisions and statements,” Mr. Garton Ash added, “he was the final arbiter, the one person who could somehow balance the very different tendencies and interests in the movement.”
Once installed at the Castle, Mr. Havel gradually discarded crumpled jeans and sweaters for crisp shirts and somber suits, although he often seemed more at home in the counterculture. On a trip abroad in 1995, he ignored awaiting dignitaries and lingered on an airport tarmac for a chat with Mick Jagger.
In the first months his presidency, visitors to Prague’s labyrinthine Castle included Frank Zappa and the Rolling Stones. He covered the side of the building with a large neon-red heart, and pedaled the corridors with a child’s scooter.
“Initially he had difficulty changing his mentality from being a dissident to a politician,” said Jiri Pehe, who was his chief political adviser from 1997 to 1999. But Mr. Pehe argued that Mr. Havel had been a better president than many had expected.
“Because of his moral authority, he was able to stretch a weak presidency beyond what was written in the Constitution,” Mr. Pehe said.
But critics said Mr. Havel, a self-professed reluctant leader, learned to like power a little too much. Many Czechs were also disappointed that he refused to outlaw the Communist Party or to put on trial the system that had allowed neighbors to send one another to labor camps.
In June 1992, as Czechoslovakia began to break up, Mr. Havel resigned as president rather than preside over the split. He spoke then of the difficult metamorphosis from philosopher to politician.
“Putting into practice the ideals to which I have adhered all my life, which guided me in the dissident years, becomes much more difficult in practical politics,” he said, before being later elected president of the new Czech Republic.
As soon as he came to power, Mr. Havel steered his country toward the West. On his first visit to the United States as president, in February 1990, Mr. Havel stressed that American financial aid was not as important as technical assistance to help his country — historically an industrial power — compete again in the international marketplace.
Days later, he met Mr. Gorbachev in Moscow and swiftly negotiated the withdrawal of 70,000 Soviet troops stationed in Czechoslovakia.
At home, Mr. Havel’s role evolved into one of educator and moral persuader. In weekly radio talks, he often addressed human rights, touching on issues that were sensitive in Czech society. He championed, for instance, the rights of Gypsies, or Roma, despite surveys that showed that most Czechs would not want a Gypsy as a neighbor.
Early in his presidency, he also went against popular sentiment when he formed a commission to inquire into the expulsion of three million Sudeten Germans from Czechoslovakia after World War II.
Political ideas, not economics, interested him. His country, widely considered to have made a smooth transition from Communism to market democracy, came in for his devastating critique in December 1997, when he attacked corruption and the sell-off of government-run industries in a thinly veiled barb at his political nemesis, the longtime prime minister — and now president — Vaclav Klaus.
Expressing disdain for what had happened to Czech society under Mr. Klaus — an ally of convenience in the days of the 1989 revolution — Mr. Havel told parliament that a “post-Communist morass” had allowed “the most immoral people” to achieve financial success at the expense of others.
Mr. Klaus, a right-wing maverick who espouses the untrammeled capitalism Mr. Havel disliked, succeeded Mr. Havel as president in 2003. On Sunday, Mr. Klaus paid tribute to Mr. Havel, calling him “the symbol of the new era of the Czech state.”
While many in the West worshiped Mr. Havel, in his native country he was regarded with deep affection but also ambivalence, and even scorn. His slogan during the revolution that truth and love must prevail over lies and hatred was mocked by foes, who accused him of naïveté.
Mr. Havel’s standing with Czechs faltered somewhat in 1997 after his surprise marriage to Dagmar Veskrnova, an actress who had once played a topless vampire in a film, only a year after the death of his much admired first wife of 31 years, Olga. In January 1998 the parliament, resentful of what was seen as Mr. Havel’s arrogant behavior with his new wife and his meddling in political affairs, elected him to a second presidential term by only one vote.
Erik Tabery, a Czech journalist and the author of a book on the Czech presidency, said some Czechs resented Mr. Havel for holding up an uncomfortable mirror to their history of passivity. “While the Communists ruled for 40 years, most Czechs stayed at home and did nothing,” Mr. Tabery said. “Havel did something.”
Born on Oct. 5, 1936, Mr. Havel was one of two sons of Bozena and Vaclav Havel. His father, a civil engineer, was a major commercial real estate developer who acquired important property. When the Communists took power three years after World War II, the family holdings were taken over by the state. After Communist rule ended, Mr. Havel and his brother, Ivan, won back much of the property.
Mr. Havel would later write that his privileged upbringing heightened his sensitivity to inequality.
“I was different from my schoolmates whose families did not have domestics, nurses or chauffeurs,” he wrote. “But I experienced these differences as a disadvantage; I felt excluded from the company of my peers.”
He started writing, he said, to overcome his feeling of being an outsider. Because of his background, the Communists blocked him from going to college, and at age 15 he started work as a technician in a chemistry lab.
Mr. Havel was called up for military service in 1957, and wrote a satirical play while in the army. In 1960, he joined the Theater on the Balustrade as a stagehand. In 1963 he wrote his first publicly performed play, “The Garden Party,” about a person who has lost his sense of identity to such a degree that he goes to look for himself in his own apartment.
In 1956 Mr. Havel met Olga Splichalova, a lively, dashing actress, whom he married in 1964. A working-class heroine for many Czechs, she helped to inspire the collection of essays, written as letters from prison, and published as “Letters to Olga.” In dissident circles and beyond, Mr. Havel was a celebrated womanizer. Mrs. Havlova, who was fiercely defensive of her husband, was said by friends to have a certain reassurance when he was in prison, because “at least she knew where he was.”
When Mr. Havel became president, his wife seldom took part in formal events, but used her new platform to campaign for the handicapped. She died of cancer in January 1996. They had no children.
Mr. Havel is survived by his second wife, Dagmar, and his brother, Ivan.
After stepping down as president in 2003, Mr. Havel, ailing and tired, returned to writing, insisting he was happy with a peaceful life. In his memoir, “To the Castle and Back,” published in 2007, he called his political rise an accident of history. Post-Communist society disappointed him, he said.
In 2008, Mr. Havel re-emerged as a playwright with a new absurdist tragic-comedy, “Leaving,” depicting a womanizing former political leader who grudgingly confronts life outside of politics.
He never stopped preaching that the fight for political freedom needed to outlive the end of the Cold War. He praised the United States’ invasion of Iraq for deposing an evil dictator, Saddam Hussein.
He continued to worry about what he called “the old European disease” — “the tendency to make compromises with evil, to close one’s eyes to dictatorship, to practice a politics of appeasement.”
This article has been revised to reflect the following correction:
Correction: December 18, 2011
An earlier version of this article, by the Associated Press, incorrectly identified the title of an essay by Vaclav Havel. It is “The Power of the Powerless,” not “The Power and the Powerless.”
機械翻譯 有空再修正
哈維爾，持不同政見的劇作家誰領導在捷克斯洛伐克，死了75由Dan BILEFSKY和簡 PERLEZ發布日期：2011年12月18日，
哈維爾，捷克作家和持不同政見的雄辯共產黨統治解剖幫助破壞革命，打倒執政的柏林牆和席捲哈維爾本人，死於週日。他是75。放大圖片盧伯米爾科鐵克杰拉德Fouet /法新社 - 蓋蒂圖片
1989年12月29日，哈維爾當選為捷克斯洛伐克的國家仍然是共產主義的議會主席。更多圖片 »多媒體幻燈片放映哈維爾，死75相關
哈維爾，還是一個道德和惡作劇的人（2009年10月14日，日）
時代課題：哈維爾
地鐵 Twitter的標誌。在Twitter與我們聯繫。
按照國際重大新聞和頭條 @ nytimesworld。放大圖片喬爾 Robine /法新社 - 格蒂圖片
哈維爾先生，於 1988年離開，在布拉格的一次集會。更多圖片 »放大圖片菲利普歌手/歐洲 Pressphoto局
哈維爾在2009年。更多圖片 »讀者評論
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，Tancevova檜柏，他的助手說，哈維爾先生在他的鄉間別墅在波希米亞北部死亡。
一個在巴黎的捷克大使館發言人米哈爾德沃夏克在一份聲明中說，幾乎在肺癌手術於 1996年去世了幾十年的老煙槍，哈維爾先生曾患有嚴重的呼吸系統疾病，從去年春天開始。
哈維爾先生一個害羞而有彈性，無一例外地有禮貌，但頑強的人，闡述了無能為力的力量，花了五年時間和共產黨的監獄，關閉秘密警察的監視下生活了二十年，忍受了他的戲劇和散文的抑制。作為總統，他擔任了14年寫了19次，激發了電影和一個說唱歌曲，仍然是他那一代人的最誘人墨守成規的作家之一。
在這期間，他來到捷克民族的靈魂。他的道德權威和他的捷克語言的移動運用，投作為主導人物，他於 1989年在布拉格街頭示威行政幕後的談判帶來超過 40年的共產黨統治的結束，和平轉移被稱為天鵝絨革命力量，起義如此順利，只花了個星期才能完成，沒有一個單一的開槍射擊，。
他被選為民主捷克斯洛伐克第一任總統 - 一個角色，他堅持說超過願望責任 - 分裂國家於 1993年1月後，他成為捷克共和國總統。他聯繫的國家堅定地向西部，捷克共和國加入北大西洋條約組織於 1999年，五年後的歐洲聯盟掃清了道路。
作為一個持不同政見者，並作為一個國家領導人，哈維爾先生在中歐最重要的政治思想家之一，給我們留下了深刻印象西。他拒絕了概念，像米哈伊爾 S.戈爾巴喬夫在蘇聯和亞歷山大杜布切克在捷克斯洛伐克共產黨領導人改革思想的假定，即共產黨的統治可以更加人性化。
他的明星地位和個人利益，吸引了世界各國領導人布拉格，從達賴喇嘛，與哈維爾先生沉思了幾個小時，總統比爾克林頓，在1994年的國事訪問期間，哈維爾先生的最愛加入薩克斯果醬會話爵士樂俱樂部。
即使哈維爾先生在2003年退役後，領導徵求他的，包括奧巴馬總統。哈維爾先生於 2009年3月舉行的會議上，被投射到一個領導者的無限希望的危險警告。失望，他指出，可以熬到憤怒和怨恨。奧巴馬先生回答說，他敏銳地意識到的可能性。
這是作為一個哈維爾先生最清楚倡導公民社會的理想的持不同政見者。他幫助發現了77憲章，前蘇聯集團的最長的持久的人權運動，並敏銳地闡明了共產主義強加給個人的持久的屈辱。
在他標誌性的1978作文，的“無能為力，電力”在捷克斯洛伐克的地下版本流傳，被偷運到其他華沙條約國家和西方，哈維爾先生預見，反對派可能最終戰勝極權主義國家。
哈維爾先生，一個孩子的家庭失去了它的財富，當共產黨人於 1948年來到的資產階級特權，首次成為活躍在捷克斯洛伐克作家聯盟在20世紀 60年代中期，當他的首要目標是不是共產主義，因為它是這麼多“改革共產主義”，許多正在尋求。
在1968年布拉格之春“，在短暫的時期，當改革的共產黨人，LED byMr。杜布切克，認為“有人情味的社會主義”是可能的，哈維爾先生認為，共產主義不可能被馴服。
他寫道：“在反對派的主題”的文章，主張結束一黨統治 - 一個大膽的想法在當時。在1968年5月，他應邀參加由美國戲劇製片人約瑟夫帕普看到紐約莎士比亞戲劇節的他第二次的發揮，生產“的備忘錄。”
哈維爾先生是允許共產黨統治下的國家，這是最後一次訪問促成了紐約守法的感情。
後蘇聯派出坦克鎮壓布拉格的改革在1968年8月，哈維爾先生堅持在政治自由的鬥爭。在1969年8月，他組織了10分，否定蘇聯“正常化”的政治請願。他被指控的顛覆，並於 1970年在國家電視台被誣衊和禁止作為一個作家。
當時，成千上萬的共產黨人被開除黨籍，被認為太同情杜布切克的捷克斯洛伐克領導人古斯塔夫胡薩克被扭轉改革。哈維爾先生不停地寫作，並於 1975年，他在一封公開信給胡薩克先生 - 的領導者，他最終取代 - 攻擊政權，爭辯說，根據“政治隔離”分開的統治者被統治者捷克斯洛伐克經營。
哈維爾先生寫道，政府選擇了“為社會最危險的道路：為了外表的內在衰變路徑;隔阻為了增加均勻的生活。”
1977年，哈維爾先生是77憲章，一組 242個簽名，呼籲根據 1975年的赫爾辛基協議所保障的人權三個主要組織者之一。哈維爾先生很快就被逮捕，顛覆而被審判和定罪，並在監獄服刑3個月內。 1979年5月，他再次被捕，顛覆費，被判處 4年半。
這句話的嚴重性，從法國，意大利和西班牙共產黨帶來的抗議。哈維爾先生最終被釋放在1983年2月，患了肺炎。
在獄中，他寫什麼，但信件有關“家庭事務”，他的妻子是被禁止的。他說，這些 missives使他做出一些他的監禁感。他的主題之一，是一個警告，人類自由的壓制，他們最終被削弱自身的存在對他的迫害。
他拒絕中斷與 77憲章導致其他簡短的拘留期間，他的名人身份在國外長大。 1989年1月，他被拘留後試圖違抗警令遠離示範。
他在5月發布的這一年，標誌著捷克斯洛伐克共產黨政府是結束的開始，這是嚴重脫離與鄰國波蘭和匈牙利正在進行的改革步驟，戈爾巴喬夫先生的領導下在蘇聯本身。
哈維爾先生在20世紀 80年代，拒絕政府的移民壓力。沒有廣泛在布拉格之外的持不同政見者和知識界在家，他成為了一些西方外交官和遊客，重點將流浪漢的一個六層樓的房子，他的父親已建成的頂層公寓，哲學與先生凝視著哈維爾同時橫跨伏爾塔瓦河的城堡。
他贏得了從瑣碎的工作，他被迫在一家啤酒廠的幾乎為零，但錢從海外出版物的版稅。他買了一輛奔馳和他的書塞進公寓裝飾與抽象繪畫。他還擁有 Hradecek山寨不治。
哈維爾先生在權力的機會是在1989年11月，八天之後，柏林牆倒塌。
暫定的對話已經開始，當警察驅散 11月17日正式認可的學生示威，許多示威者毆打和逮捕他人。
兩天後，哈維爾先生神奇的花燈，布拉格劇院召開的一次會議上，他和其他持不同政見者建立公民論壇。它呼籲領先的共產黨人的辭職，警方的行動進行調查，並釋放所有政治犯。
第二天，估計有20萬人參加了在布拉格的街道 - 結束共產黨統治的幾次示威。
這是在劇院的煙霧繚繞的房間，哈維爾先生映射的戰略，並最終削弱共產黨統治的宣言。歷史學家蒂莫西阿什，誰是目前“中寫道：”這是非凡的，這一切最終解決這個一個人旋轉程度，。
“，在幾乎所有的論壇重大的決定和聲明，阿什先生補充說，”他是最後的仲裁者，一個人可以在某種程度上平衡在運動中非常不同的傾向和利益。“
一旦安裝在城堡，哈維爾先生逐漸拋棄明快的襯衫和憂鬱西裝皺巴巴的牛仔褲和毛衣，雖然他似乎常常在家中的反多。在1995年出訪，他忽略了等待政要和一個機場的停機坪上徘徊與米克賈格爾聊天。
在他的總統任期的最初幾個月，布拉格的迷宮城堡的遊客包括弗蘭克扎帕和滾石樂隊。他覆蓋著一個大的紅色霓虹燈心臟的建設方，騎著一個孩子的滑板車的走廊。
“起初，他很難改變他的心態，從一個政治家持不同政見者，吉日Pehe說：”從 1997年到1999年，誰是他的首席政治顧問。但Pehe先生認為，哈維爾先生已經比許多人預期的一個更好的總統。
“因為他的道德權威，他能夠舒展超越了憲法的書面弱主席，Pehe先生說。”
但批評者說，一個自稱不願領導人哈維爾先生，學會像電源有點太多。許多捷克人也感到失望，他拒絕取締共產黨或試行了鄰居發送一個勞改營系統。
1992年6月，捷克斯洛伐克開始向上突破，哈維爾先生辭去總統主持，而不是分裂。他談到了艱難的蛻變，然後從哲學家的政治家。
“付諸實踐，我堅持我的生活的理想，指導我在持不同政見者幾年在實際的政治變得更加困難，”他說，前，後新捷克共和國當選總統。
當他上台後，哈維爾先生帶領他的國家對西方的。在他作為總統於 1990年2月，美國的首次訪問，哈維爾先生強調，美國的財政援助，技術援助，以幫助他的國家 - 歷史上一個工業強國 - 在國際市場上競爭。
天后，他在莫斯科會見了戈爾巴喬夫先生和迅速談判 70000蘇聯軍隊撤出駐紮在捷克斯洛伐克。
在家中，哈維爾先生的角色演變成一個教育家和道德勸說。在每週一次的廣播談判中，他經常談到人權，捷克社會敏感問題上，感人。他倡導的，例如，吉卜賽人或羅姆人的權利，儘管調查顯示，大多數捷克，不會想要一個吉普賽作為一個鄰國。
在上任之初，他還去對民眾的情緒時，他成立了一個委員會調查 3萬蘇台德從捷克斯洛伐克的德國第二次世界大戰後驅逐。
政治理念，而不是經濟學，他感興趣的。他的國家，被廣泛認為有一個平穩過渡，從共產主義到市場民主，排在他毀滅性的批判，在1997年12月，當他在一個路人皆知的倒鉤襲擊腐敗和政府校辦產業的拋售，在他的政治剋星橫行多年的總理 - 現任總統 - 克勞斯。
表示發生了什麼事，以先生的領導下克勞斯捷克社會的蔑視 - 方便的在天的1989年革命的盟友 - 哈維爾先生告訴國會，“後共產主義的泥沼”允許“最不道德的人”，以實現財務在犧牲別人的成功。
右翼特立獨行的人信奉哈維爾先生不喜歡不受約束的資本主義，克勞斯先生在2003年繼任總統哈維爾先生。上週日，克勞斯先生讚揚哈維爾先生，稱他為“捷克國家的新時代的象徵。”
雖然在許多西方崇拜哈維爾先生，在他的祖國，他被視為與深厚的感情，但也搖擺不定，甚至蔑視。他在革命的口號，真理和愛必須戰勝謊言和仇恨，嘲笑敵人，指責他的天真。
哈維爾先生與捷克的地位，在1997年後，他驚訝的婚姻，曾經扮演一名半裸的吸血鬼女演員在一部電影中，只有一年去世後，他多推崇的第一妻子31歲，奧爾加達格瑪 Veskrnova有點動搖。 1998年1月哈維爾先生的傲慢與他的新妻子和他在政治事務的干涉行為的不滿，議會，選舉他第二個總統任期只有一票。
埃里克Tabery，捷克記者和捷克總統的書的作者說，一些捷克人反感哈維爾先生舉行了一個舒服的一面鏡子，他們的被動歷史。 “雖然共產黨統治了40年，大多數捷克人留在家裡什麼也沒做，Tabery先生說。” “哈維爾做了。”
哈維爾先生，1936年10月5日出生，是Bozena和哈維爾的兩個兒子之一。他的父親，一位土木工程師，是一個主要的商業房地產開發商，獲得了重要的財產。當共產黨人參加了二戰結束後三年的電源，接管了家族控股國家。共產黨統治結束後，哈維爾先生和他的兄弟，伊万，奪回了大部分的財產。
哈維爾先生以後會寫，他的特權養育提高其靈敏度，不平等。
“我是從我的同學的家庭沒有傭人，護士或司機不同，”他寫道。 “不過，我經歷了這些差異作為一個缺點，我覺得從我的同齡人的公司排除。”
他開始寫作，他說，克服了他作為一個局外人的感覺。由於他的背景，共產黨人阻止他去上大學，並在15歲時，他開始在化學實驗室技術員的工作。
哈維爾先生是在1957年的兵役叫了起來，諷刺的發揮，而在軍隊中寫道。 1960年，他加入了劇院作為 stagehand欄杆。 1963年，他寫了他的第一次公開演出的發揮，“遊園會，”關於一個人已經失去了他的認同感的人到這種程度，他去為自己尋找在自己的公寓。
1956年，哈維爾先生會見了奧爾加 Splichalova，活潑，瀟灑的女演員，他於 1964年結婚。許多捷克人的一個工人階級的女主人公，她幫助，激發了從監獄的信件寫散文，收集，並在持不同政見人士和超越“奧爾加快報”發表，哈維爾先生是一位著名的追逐女色的。 Havlova，夫人的丈夫狠狠的防守，有人說朋友有一定的保證，當他在監獄裡，因為“至少她知道他在哪裡。”
當哈維爾先生就任總統後，他的妻子很少參加正式活動的一部分，但用她的新平台，為殘疾人運動。她於 1996年1月因癌症去世。他們沒有孩子。
哈維爾先生是他的第二任妻子，達格瑪，和他的兄弟，伊万生存。
在2003年下台後擔任總統，哈維爾先生，生病了，累了，回到寫作，堅持他是一個和平的生活感到滿意。在他的回憶錄“的城堡和返回，”在2007年出版，他呼籲他的政治崛起的歷史的偶然。後共產主義社會讓他失望，他說。
哈維爾先生在2008年，重新成為一個與一個新的荒誕悲劇喜劇劇作家，“離開”，描繪一個風流的前政治領袖，誰不情願地面對政治生活之外。
他從來沒有停止過，鼓吹政治自由的鬥爭需要活得比冷戰結束。他稱讚罷免一個邪惡的獨裁者薩達姆侯賽因的美國入侵伊拉克。
他繼續擔心他所謂的“老歐洲疾病” - “的傾向，與邪惡的妥協，以接近人的眼睛專政，實行綏靖政策的政治。”
艾莉森斯梅爾報告作出了貢獻。
本文已被修訂，以反映以下更正：
更正：2011年12月18日
早期版本的這篇文章，美聯社，正確識別哈維爾的文章的標題。這是不是“無能為力，電源”電源和無能為力。“
Václav Havel: in memoriam
Václav Havel, playwright and president
Dec 18th 2011, 13:02 by E.L.
EARLY in 1989, your correspondent, newly arrived in communist Czechoslovakia, passed an empty building in the Podoli district of Prague. Someone had written in the grime inside the window: “Svoboda Havlovi” [Freedom for Havel]. It was an interesting moment. The jailed playwright (as we used to call him) was behind bars for hooliganism following an opposition demonstration. The authorities could jail individuals. But they had lost the will, or the capability, to police the inside of shop windows.The slogan (which was still there a year later when Mr Havel was president) was particularly striking because shop windows were the theme of one of Václav Havel's best-known essays. In "The Power of the Powerless", he ponders the presence of a banal communist propaganda poster, reading "Workers of the world, unite!" in a greengrocer's window.
Why does he do it? What is he trying to communicate to the world? Is he genuinely enthusiastic about the idea of unity among the workers of the world? Is his enthusiasm so great that he feels an irrepressible impulse to acquaint the public with his ideals? Has he really given more than a moment's thought to how such a unification might occur and what it would mean?That encapsulated the way many Czechs and Slovaks dealt with their fate after the Soviet-led invasion of 1968. To many outsiders the country seemed numb, the subject of a kind of moral castration. Resistance was useless: even if you changed the system, the Soviet tanks would crush what you attempted. So the only solution was to withdraw into internal (or, for a few, external) exile.
I think it can safely be assumed that the overwhelming majority of shopkeepers never think about the slogans they put in their windows, nor do they use them to express their real opinions. That poster was delivered to our greengrocer from the enterprise headquarters along with the onions and carrots. He put them all into the window simply because it has been done that way for years, because everyone does it, and because that is the way it has to be. If he were to refuse, there could be trouble. He could be reproached for not having the proper decoration in his window; someone might even accuse him of disloyalty. He does it because these things must be done if one is to get along in life. It is one of the thousands of details that guarantee him a relatively tranquil life "in harmony with society," as they say.
The cocktail that fuelled totalitarianism was a mixture of fear and pretence: the greengrocer pretended to be loyal for fear of the consequences. Havel noted later in his essay:
If the greengrocer had been instructed to display the slogan "I am afraid and therefore unquestioningly obedient;' he would not be nearly as indifferent to its semantics, even though the statement would reflect the truth. The greengrocer would be embarrassed and ashamed to put such an unequivocal statement of his own degradation in the shop window, and quite naturally so, for he is a human being and thus has a sense of his own dignity. To overcome this complication, his expression of loyalty must take the form of a sign which, at least on its textual surface, indicates a level of disinterested conviction. It must allow the greengrocer to say, "What's wrong with the workers of the world uniting?" Thus the sign helps the greengrocer to conceal from himself the low foundations of his obedience, at the same time concealing the low foundations of power.But those shallow foundations were vulnerable to individual acts of disobedience. Havel concludes his essay thus:
Let us now imagine that one day something in our greengrocer snaps and he stops putting up the slogans merely to ingratiate himself. He stops voting in elections he knows are a farce. He begins to say what he really thinks at political meetings. And he even finds the strength in himself to express solidarity with those whom his conscience commands him to support. In this revolt the greengrocer steps out of living within the lie. He rejects the ritual and breaks the rules of the game. He discovers once more his suppressed identity and dignity. He gives his freedom a concrete significance. His revolt is an attempt to live within the truth. . . .That would come at a cost:
He will be relieved of his post as manager of the shop and transferred to the warehouse. His pay will be reduced. His hopes for a holiday in Bulgaria will evaporate. His children's access to higher education will be threatened. His superiors will harass him and his fellow workers will wonder about him. Most of those who apply these sanctions, however, will not do so from any authentic inner conviction but simply under pressure from conditions, the same conditions that once pressured the greengrocer to display the official slogans. They will persecute the greengrocer either because it is expected of them, or to demonstrate their loyalty, or simply as part of the general panorama, to which belongs an awareness that this is how situations of this sort are dealt with, that this, in fact, is how things are always done, particularly if one is not to become suspect oneself. The executors, therefore, behave essentially like everyone else, to a greater or lesser degree: as components of the post-totalitarian system, as agents of its automatism, as petty instruments of the social auto-totality.Havel concluded with his most famous exhortation: to live in truth was to deny the communist system its legitimacy, and ultimately its power:
Thus the power structure, through the agency of those who carry out the sanctions, those anonymous components of the system, will spew the greengrocer from its mouth....The greengrocer has not committed a simple, individual offence, isolated in its own uniqueness, but something incomparably more serious. By breaking the rules of the game, he has disrupted the game as such. He has exposed it as a mere game. He has shattered the world of appearances, the fundamental pillar of the system. He has upset the power structure by tearing apart what holds it together. He has demonstrated that living a lie is living a lie. He has broken through the exalted facade of the system and exposed the real, base foundations of power. He has said that the emperor is naked. And because the emperor is in fact naked, something extremely dangerous has happened: by his action, the greengrocer has addressed the world. He has enabled everyone to peer behind the curtain. He has shown everyone that it is possible to live within the truth. Living within the lie can constitute the system only if it is universal. The principle must embrace and permeate everything. There are no terms whatsoever on which it can co-exist with living within the truth, and therefore everyone who steps out of line denies it in principle and threatens it in its entirety...Havel practised what he preached. He himself was denied higher education, as the scion of a famous bourgeois family. Others might have curried favour by writing plays praising the regime. But he worked as a stage-hand, and studied drama in his spare time. As Czechoslovak communist rule eased in the 1960s, his plays were performed, and gained public acclaim. By 1968, he was a well-known and successful playwright.
For him and the rest of the country's cultural elite, the Soviet-led invasion posed a sharp problem: emigrate, collaborate, or face the consequences. Philosophers became stokers, and poets street-sweepers. Havel took a job in a brewery (which he wrote about in his play "Audience"). In the mid 1970s he moved into active opposition to the regime, defending the underground rock group Plastic People of the Universe and, in 1977, signing the dissident declaration "Charter 77".
The late 1970s were tough years for the captive nations of the Soviet empire. Havel was jailed from 1979 to 1984, during which he wrote the letters to his wife, Olga, that later became part of perhaps his best-known book. He also spent many days under arrest and interrogation. Out of jail, his every move, visitor, letter, phone call and utterance were subject to scrutiny by the StB, the secret-police servants of Czechoslovakia's communist masters.
His last bout of imprisonment came in happier circumstances. Communism was crumbling across the whole of the Warsaw Pact. in Poland his close friends and allies from Solidarity were on the verge of meeting their exhausted persecutors across (or to be more precise around) the negotiating table. At his parole hearing in April, the journalists, diplomats and friends (not exclusive categories) in the courtroom listened as prison officials solemnly gave evidence of the prisoner’s good behaviour. They could say nothing about his rehabilitation, but he had certainly not broken any prison rules. The small, tubby figure beamed and winked. That evening brought a mighty celebration in the palatial rooms of his riverside apartment. Many of those present had spent the last 20 years as the victims of the regime's bullying: for some, the fate was menial labour. For others, it was broken marriages, or children whose life chances were blighted (the StB would often use threats to children's welfare to browbeat the stubborn). The sense of bravery and resistance, matched with impending triumph, was palpable. The regime itself might not know it, but its victims did: the days of the old grey men with cold grey faces were numbered.
Havel was the de-facto leader of the Czechoslovak dissident movement, but it was not a role he enjoyed. He hated the intrusive phone calls from newspapers and radio stations, often retreating to his country cottage for some peace and quiet. He kept his appointments list on a small scrap of folded paper, sometimes entrusted to his beloved friend Zdeněk Urbánek, whose stately good manners and quavering English could deter even the pushiest television crews (many would turn up unannounced, determined to interview the "opposition leader" on the spot, regardless of convenience or even agreement). His habitual and even plaintive refrain was that he was a playwright, not a politician. His only desire was for a political system in which he could do the only job that he felt truly qualified to do.
But events brushed such diffidence aside. After the riot police brutally broke up a student demonstration on November 17th 1989 Havel and his colleagues set up the Civic Forum—a determinedly non-partisan group that initially had no leaders.
But it was leadership that the demonstrators wanted as they swelled Wenceslas Square each day, always in greater numbers. As the regime opened negotiations with Civic Forum, and as heads rolled in both the party and the government, posters saying “Havel na Hrad” (Havel to the Castle) began appearing. In December he reluctantly agreed to run for president (forestalling an attempt to put forward the architect of the Prague Spring, Alexander Dubček). A bunch of cheeky Poles tried to get in on the act too, with posters saying “Havel na Wawel”. If the Czechoslovaks didn’t want him, they would make him king of Poland, to be crowned at the Wawel castle in Cracow.
Havel confounded those who thought he was too dilettantish to be a proper president. He rollerskated through the corridors of Prague castle, exorcising the ghosts of the communist usurpers with his humanity and humour. His addresses to his fellow citizens on New Year's Eve 1989 and 1990 make illuminating and moving reading. In what would be a hallmark of his political approach, he made a point of lending support to beleaguered but like-minded figures abroad. He invited the Lithuanian leader Vytautas Landsbergis to Prague, as that country struggled to turn its declaration of independence from Soviet occupation into reality. He brought the Pope to Prague, overcoming the neurotic anti-Catholicism and secularism of some Czechs, who remember the counter-Reformation and priestly privilege as if they were yesterday. He was a close friend of the the Dalai Lama—almost the first foreign dignitary he received as president, and a visitor in the last days of his life. Others might counsel friendship with the mighty Chinese; for Havel matters of principle were just that. Having themselves been forgotten captives, the Czechs could not possibly forget the plight of the Tibetans, the Uighurs, the Belarusians and the Cubans.
He laid other ghosts of the past too: opening warm diplomatic ties with Israel and giving full co-operation to outside efforts to track down the many Arab terrorists who had trained in Czechoslavakia under communism. He also made a point of friendly ties with Germany—in those days a bogey figure for many Czechs and Slovaks, who feared that the expulsion of Sudeten and other Germans after 1945 was neither forgiven nor forgotten. He hosted the great Richard von Weizsäcker in Prague castle, issuing a carefully worded joint presidential declaration that, thanks to some fancy footwork with Czech grammar, squared the circles of Czech and German resentments about history.
He did not succeed in saving Czechoslovakia from the depredations of ambitious politicians in Prague and Bratislava, who saw great possibilities for their own advancement in smaller and separate countries. But he returned as president of the Czech Republic in 1993 and again in 1998, piloting his country into the European Union and NATO. His great aim, he used to say, was that his countrymen could enjoy life untroubled by politics. But that was only one of his achievements. As a playwright and as an essayist, and as a philosopher of the human condition, his fame stretched far beyond the "small boring European country" whose return to freedom he had so lovingly overseen.
(Picture credit: AFP)
2011年12月第18屆，13時 02分由E.L.
早在1989年，你的記者，新到達共產主義捷克斯洛伐克，通過在布拉格Podoli區的空樓。有人寫在窗口內的污垢：“斯沃博達 Havlovi”[自由哈維爾]。這是一個有趣的的時刻。被判入獄的劇作家（因為我們給他打電話）後，反對派示威背後流氓行為酒吧。當局可能入獄個人。但他們已經失去了意志，能力，警方的商店櫥窗內。
的口號（這是仍然存在一年後，當哈維爾先生是總統）特別引人注目，因為商店櫥窗主題哈維爾最著名的散文之一。在“無能為力電源”，他思考的一個平庸的共產主義的宣傳海報的存在，閱讀“世界上的工人，聯合起來！”一個菜販的窗口。
他為什麼這樣做呢？他是什麼人試圖傳達給世界？他是全世界工人團結的思想真正關心的熱情呢？是他的熱情如此之大，他感到一種抑制不住的衝動，熟悉他的理想的公眾？請問他真的不是一時的思想可能會發生這樣的統一，意味著什麼如何？
我認為它可以安全地假設，絕大多數店主從來沒有想過他們在他們的Windows的口號，也不是他們用他們來表達他們的真實意見。這海報是從企業總部與洋蔥和胡蘿蔔一起交付給我們的菜販。他把窗口簡單，因為它已經做了多年的方法，因為每個人都沒有，因為這是方式要。如果他拒絕，可能會有麻煩。他可能被指責為沒有適當的裝飾在他的窗口，甚至可能會有人指責他不忠。他必須做的，因為這些東西，如果一個人生活中得到。它是成千上萬的細節，保證他一個相對平靜的生活“與社會的和諧，”正如他們所說的。
這封裝的方式，許多捷克和斯洛伐克1968年蘇聯入侵後處理同呼吸共命運。許多外人的國家似乎很麻木，一種道德閹割的主題。抵抗是無用的：即使你改變了系統，蘇聯的坦克會暗戀你的企圖。因此，唯一的解決辦法是撤回到內部（或幾下，外部）流亡。
雞尾酒，加劇了極權主義的恐懼和幌子的混合物：菜販謊稱自己是忠實的後果的恐懼。哈維爾後來在他的文章中指出：
如果菜販已指示顯示的口號是“我害怕，因此毫無疑問地聽話。”他不會幾乎漠不關心，它的語義，即使聲明將反映事實真相的菜販把這種尷尬和慚愧他自己在商店的櫥窗退化的明確聲明，很自然地的，因為他是一個人，因而具有自己的尊嚴感，為了克服這一並發症，他的忠誠表達，必須採取的一個標誌的形式，無私定罪的水平至少在其文本表面，表明它必須允許的菜販說，“與世界的工人團結有什麼錯？”因此符號幫助的菜販，以從自己隱瞞他的低基礎服從，同時隱瞞低功率的基礎。
但是，這些淺基礎是脆弱的抗命的個人行為。哈維爾的結論因此，他的散文：
現在讓我們想像在我們的菜販一天的東西捕捉和他站的口號只是為了討好自己。他停止在他知道選舉是一場鬧劇中投票。他開始說他真的認為在政治集會。他甚至認為在自己的力量來表達他的良心命令他支持聲援。在此起義菜販步驟生活在謊言。他拒絕了儀式，並打破了遊戲規則。他發現一次，他壓抑的身份和尊嚴。他給他自由的具體意義。他的起義是試圖生活在真相。 。 。 。
這將有代價的：
他將解除了他的店經理一職，並轉移到倉庫。他的工資將減少。他希望在保加利亞度假會蒸發。他的孩子的接受高等教育的機會將受到威脅。他的上司騷擾他和他的工友會質疑他。然而，最重要的是，那些適用於這些制裁將不從任何真實的內心信念，而只是來自條件，相同的條件下，一旦迫使菜販顯示官方的口號的壓力下。他們將迫害的菜販，因為它是對他們的期望，或證明自己的忠誠，或只是作為一般的全景圖的一部分，屬於意識，這是如何處理這種情況下，這樣做，實際上事情是如何經常做，特別是如果一個人不能成為犯罪嫌疑人自己。因此，行為的執行者，基本上其他人一樣，或大或小的程度：後極權制度的組成部分，其全自動的代理，為社會自動總體的小工具。
哈維爾的結論與他最有名的告誡：生活在真理是否定共產主義制度，其合法性，並最終其權力：
因此，權力結構，通過那些進行制裁的機構，那些匿名的系統組件，將噴出的菜販從它的嘴....菜販有沒有犯了一個簡單的，個別的罪行，在其自身的獨特性隔離，但無比的更嚴重的東西。打破遊戲規則，他已經打亂了這樣的遊戲。他暴露了它作為一個單純的遊戲。他已經打破了世界亮相，該系統的基本支柱。撕裂一起，他有生氣的權力結構。他已經證明，生活的謊言是生活的謊言。他已經突破了系統的崇高門面和暴露真實，電基地的基礎。他說，皇帝是赤裸裸的。因為皇帝其實是赤裸裸的，極其危險的東西已發生了：他的行動，菜販已解決世界。他使每個人同行幕後。他表明，它有可能住在真理的每一個人。生活在謊言構成的系統，只有當它是普遍的。原則上必須樹立和滲透一切。有沒有任何它可以共存，生活的真理之內的條款，因此，每個步驟脫節否認原則，並威脅在其全部...
哈維爾實行什麼他講道。他本人否認了更高的教育，作為一個著名的資產階級家庭的接穗。其他人或許有令行禁止寫劇本稱讚政權的贊同。但他的工作作為一個階段的手，並在業餘時間學習戲劇。回落在20世紀 60年代捷克斯洛伐克的共產主義規則，他的戲劇演出，並獲得公眾好評。到1968年，他是一個著名的和成功的劇作家。
對於他和其他國家的文化精英，蘇聯為首的入侵提出了一個尖銳的問題：移民，合作，否則將面臨的後果。哲學家成為煤機，和詩人掃大街。哈維爾發生在一家啤酒廠（約他寫在他的發揮“觀眾”）工作。在20世紀 70年代中期，他搬進積極反對政權，保衛地下搖滾樂團宇宙塑料人，並於 1977年簽署的持不同政見者的宣言“77憲章”。
20世紀 70年代末，蘇聯帝國的奴役國家強硬年。哈維爾從 1979年到1984年，被關押期間，他寫了也許是他最知名的書的一部分，後來成為他的妻子奧爾加，字母。他還花了許多天，下逮捕和審訊。出獄，他的一舉一動，訪客，信件，電話和話語審議，由STB，捷克斯洛伐克的共產主義大師的秘密警察公務員。
他監禁的最後較量是在快樂的情況下。共產主義是搖搖欲墜的整個華沙條約組織的整體。在波蘭，他的親密的朋友和盟國團結上跨（或更精確的周圍）談判桌會議用盡迫害邊緣。在他的假釋聽證會在四月，記者，外交官和朋友（不是排他性的類別）在法庭上聽取監獄官員鄭重地給囚犯的良好行為的證據。他們可以說沒有對他的康復，但他肯定沒有觸犯任何監獄規則。小的，短粗的身材橫梁和眨眨眼睛。那天晚上，帶來了強大的慶祝他的河濱公寓富麗堂皇的客房。許多在場的人花了近20年來，作為政權的欺凌的受害者的命運是，一些粗重勞動。對於其他人，這是婚姻破裂，或兒童的生命被摧殘（STB將經常使用兒童福利的威脅恐嚇頑固）的機會。感，再配上即將到來的勝利，勇敢和阻力之情溢於言表。制度本身可能不知道，但其受害者卻冷灰面舊的灰色男人的日子不多了。
哈維爾是捷克斯洛伐克的持不同政見者運動事實上的領導人，但它是不是他喜歡的角色。他討厭的侵入從報紙和廣播電台的電話，往往撤退到他的一些和平和寧靜的鄉間別墅。他不停地在折疊紙的小廢他的任命名單，有時委託給他心愛的朋友ZDENEK Urbánek，其莊嚴的禮貌和顫抖英語甚至pushiest電視攝製組人員（很多人會轉起來暗訪，採訪的“反對派領導人決心阻止“在現場，無論方便，甚至協議）。他的習慣性，甚至哀怨不要，他是一位劇作家，而不是一個政治家。他唯一的願望是一種政治制度，他可以做的唯一工作，他覺得真正有資格做。
但事件拉絲等缺乏自信不談。防暴警察後慘遭 11月17日爆發了學生示威遊行，1989年，哈維爾和他的同事們成立公民論壇“一個堅決無黨派組最初沒有領袖。
但它是領導示威者希望，因為他們膨脹的瓦茨拉夫廣場每天總是在更大的數字，。該政權與公民論壇開談判，並在黨和政府推出的頭，說：“哈維爾 NA Hrad”（哈維爾城堡）的海報開始出現。在12月，他才勉強同意參加總統競選（防範企圖提出的“布拉格之春，亞歷山大杜布切克的建築師）。一群面露波蘭人試圖讓的行為，與海報說：“哈維爾 NA瓦維爾”。捷克斯洛伐克如果不想讓他，他們將使他為波蘭國王，在克拉科夫的瓦維爾城堡加冕。
哈維爾混淆那些認為他太dilettantish是一個正確的總裁。他rollerskated通過布拉格城堡的走廊裡，驅除共產主義篡奪他的人性和幽默的鬼。 1989年除夕和1990年他的同胞，使他的地址，照明和移動閱讀。這將是他的政治方法的一個標誌，他做了一個指向國外陷入困境，但志同道合的數字的貸款支持。他邀請立陶宛領導人維托塔斯帕蘭茨貝吉斯布拉格，因為該國在努力將其變為現實，從蘇聯佔領的獨立聲明。他帶來了教皇布拉格，克服神經質的反天主教和世俗主義的一些捷克人，誰記得反宗教改革和祭司的特權，好像他們是昨天。他是一個親密的朋友的達賴喇嘛幾乎的第一家外國政要，他作為總統收到，並在他生命的最後日子裡的遊客。其他人可能的友誼與強大的中國律師;哈維爾事宜的原則，這一點。在自己被人遺忘的俘虜，捷克不可能忘記的藏族，維吾爾族，白俄羅斯和古巴的困境。
他的過去奠定了其他鬼太：開放溫暖與以色列的外交關係外努力追查曾在捷克斯洛伐克訓練的共產主義統治下的許多阿拉伯恐怖分子，並給予充分合作。他還提出了與德國在那些日子裡的友好合作關係的點了許多捷克和斯洛伐克，擔心後，1945年被驅逐的蘇台德和其他德國不原諒也不忘記忌圖。他主持的偉大的理查德馮魏茨澤克在布拉格城堡，發出一個措辭謹慎的聯合總統的聲明說，由於一些看中步法與捷克語法，平方捷克和德國對歷史的怨恨各界的。
他沒有成功節能捷克斯洛伐克雄心勃勃的政治家在布拉格和布拉迪斯拉發，看到他們在自己的地位更小的和獨立的國家很大的可能性的蹂躪。但他在1993年捷克共和國總統，並於 1998年再次返回，他的國家加入歐洲聯盟和北約試點。他常說，他的偉大的目標，是他的同胞可以享受由政治平靜的生活。但這也僅僅是他的成就之一。作為一個劇作家和散文家，作為人類生存條件的哲學家，他的名氣遠遠超出了“小無聊的歐洲國家”，其返回他含情脈脈監督的自由伸展。
（圖片來源：法新社）
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