（Ernesto Laclau，1935年10月6日－），出生於阿根廷布宜諾斯艾利斯，政治哲學家、後馬克思主義的代表人物、艾塞克斯大學教授。曾就讀於布宜諾斯艾利斯大學，1966年阿根廷軍事政變後前往英國，就讀於牛津大學。1970年代畢業後在艾塞克斯大學政治系任教。[1]
他因與尚塔爾·墨菲合著的《領導權與社會主義的策略——走向激進民主政治》（Hegemony and Socialist Strategy）而受到普遍關注。[1]http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ernesto_Laclau
Ernesto Laclau
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
| Born | 6 October 1935 Buenos Aires, Argentina |
|---|---|
| Died | 13 April 2014 Seville, Spain |
| Era | 20th / 21st-century philosophy |
| Region | Western Philosophy |
| School | Post-Marxism |
| Main interests | Hegemony · Identity politics |
Ernesto Laclau (Spanish: [laˈklau]; 6 October 1935 – 13 April 2014) was an Argentinepolitical theorist often described as post-Marxist.
He studied History in Buenos Aires, graduating from the Universidad Nacional de Buenos Aires in 1964, and received a PhD from the University of Essex in 1977.
Since 1986 he has been Professor of Political Theory at the University of Essex, where he founded and directed for many years the graduate programme in Ideology andDiscourse Analysis, as well as the Centre for Theoretical Studies in the Humanities and the Social Sciences. Under his directorship, the Ideology and Discourse Analysis programme has provided the suitable research framework for the development of a distinct type of discourse analysis that draws on post-structuralist theory (especially the work of Lacan, Foucault, Derrida, and Barthes) in order to articulate innovative analyses of concrete political phenomena (identities, discourses and hegemonies). This theoretical and analytical orientation is today known as the 'Essex School of discourse analysis'.[1]
Over the years, Laclau has lectured extensively in many universities in North America, South America, Western Europe, Australia, and South Africa. Most recently he has held positions at SUNY Buffalo and Northwestern University, both in the US.
His long-term partner was Chantal Mouffe. He died, of a heart attack, in Seville.[2]
Contents
[hide]Biography[edit]
He was a member of the PSIN (Socialist Party of the National Left) until 1969, when the British historian Eric Hobsbawm supported his entrance to Oxford.[3] He had close links with Jorge Abelardo Ramos, the founder of the PSIN, although he declared in 2005 that the latter then evolved in a direction he did not appreciate.[3] In the same interview, he stated that he came from a Yrigoyenista family, and that the peronist politician Arturo Jauretche, a strong opponent of Justo's dictatorship during the Infamous Decade of the 1930s, was a close friend of his father.[3]
Work[edit]
Laclau's early work was influenced by Althusserian Marxism and focused on issues debated within Neo-Marxist circles in the 1970s, including the role of the state, the dynamics of capitalism beyond reductionist models, the importance of Gramsci's theory of hegemony, etc. Laclau's most important book is arguably Hegemony and Socialist Strategy, which he co-authored with Chantal Mouffe. Their thought is usually described as post-Marxist as they were both politically active in the social and student movements of the 1960s and thus tried to link new emerging political identities with a democratic socialist imaginary. They rejected Marxist economic determinism and the notion of class struggle being the only determining antagonism in society. Instead, on the basis of recognising the plurality of antagonisms operating in society, they put forward a project of "radical and plural democracy". In his more recent work and under the increasing influence of Lacanian psychoanalytic theory, Laclau has returned to a topic preoccupying him from his early years, that of populism. His latest views were well reflected in an interview given to Intellectum journal in 2008.[4]
In "On Populist Reason", Laclau talks about the nature of populism in political discourse and the creation of popular political identities such as "the people" or "proletariat" and their role in serving collective political actors and ideologies. Laclau identifies the basis of populism in the creation of "empty signifiers": words and ideas that constitute and express an "equivalential chain". This "equivalential chain" is made possible only when a list of unfulfilled political demands create a 'logic of equivalence" between them. The notions of populism are essential, according to Laclau, to the discussion of issues of representation and democracy.
Books[edit]
- Politics and Ideology in Marxist Theory (NLB, 1977)
- Hegemony and Socialist Strategy (with Chantal Mouffe) (Verso, 1985)
- New Reflections on the Revolution of our Time (Verso, 1990)
- The Making of Political Identities (editor) (Verso, 1994)
- Emancipation(s) (Verso, 1996)
- Contingency, Hegemony, Universality (with Judith Butler and Slavoj Žižek) (Verso, 2000)
- On Populist Reason (Verso, 2005)
- Elusive Universality (Routledge, forthcoming)
See also[edit]
- Essex School of discourse analysis
- list of deconstructionists
- Richard JF Day
- Louis Althusser
- Antonio Gramsci
- Post-Marxism
- Slavoj Žižek
- Saul Newman
References[edit]
- ^ See Jules Townshend, 'Discourse theory and political analysis: a new paradigm from the Essex School?’, British Journal of Politics and International Relations, Vol. 5, No. 1, February 2003, pp. 129–142.
- ^ "ÚLTIMO MOMENTO: Falleció en Sevilla, el téorico y politólogo argentino, Ernesto Laclau | Radio Rivadavia". Rivadavia.com.ar. Retrieved 2014-04-13.
- ^ a b c Las manos en la masa - Ernesto Laclau contra Negri, Hardt y Zizek, Pagina/12, June 5, 2005 (Spanish)
- ^ Athena Avgitidou and Eleni Koukou, The Defender of Contigency: An Interview with Ernesto Laclau, (05) 2008 Intellectum, pp. 85‐95.
Further reading[edit]
- Anna Marie Smith, Laclau and Mouffe: The Radical Democratic Imaginary, London: Routledge, 1998.
- David Howarth, Discourse, Milton Keynes: Open University Press, 2000.
- Louise Philips and Marianne Jorgensen, Discourse Analysis as Theory and Method, London: Sage, 2002.
- David Howarth, Aletta Norval and Yannis Stavrakakis (eds), Discourse Theory and Political Analysis, Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2002.
- Simon Critchley and Oliver Marchart (eds), Laclau: A Critical Reader, London: Routledge, 2004.
- Warren Breckman, Adventures of the Symbolic: Postmarxism and Radical Democracy, New York: Columbia University Press, 2013
- David Howarth and Jacob Torfing (eds) Discourse Theory in European Politics, Houndmills: Palgrave, 2005.
External links[edit]
- Centre for Theoretical Studies, University of Essex Includes Laclau papers on populism and the philosophical roots of discourse theory
- Ideology and Discourse Analysis network
- Hearts, Minds and Radical Democracy Interview with Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe
- Entrevista a Ernesto Laclau sobre el juego de la política
- Curriculum Vitae
- God Only Knows 1991 article in Marxism Today
- Socialist strategy: where next? 1981 article in Marxism Today
懷念外國指導教授的文章，全篇十分感人，作者張榮哲沒有拿到博士學位，卻仍感念他。
悼念這位英國Univ of Essex的學者，也就是社會科學名著：意識形態與論述分析 的作者。這位有著西班牙後裔的姓氏Laclau的社會學家、嚴謹、個人風格強烈的學者，我讀完如見其人。
從蔡其達的臉書轉貼
<老師你安息吧， 雖然我蠻想海K你一頓> 回憶 Laclau
2014年4月15日 9:55張榮哲
一早打開臉書的第一則就是這個訊息。我的博士論文指導老師， 著名的馬克思主義者拉克勞過世了。
我最後一次見到他都是十年前的事了。一開始我沒太難過，只覺得這消息來的時間有一種詭異的巧合。就這麼巧，經過一個多月很大的心理掙扎後，我昨天才決定六月要去英國參加一個會議， 正在想要不要去拜訪一下我的老師及友人， 沒想到昨天他就過世了。
我初次遇到 LACLAU 已經是將近20年前的事了，那時他已經寫了
他上課時很威， 通常是三小時， 有固定儀式。你們要知道古代時不流行做 PPT， 沒有網路，他老人家也不發講義。他會規定每學期主要的讀物，但是你讀不讀是你家的事。然後一上課他就準時走進來， 通常三十個人或更多，本校外校， 各色人種都有。他一定會坐在教室的正中間前方的那個位子 (旁邊永遠坐著他的愛徒， 我的碩士班導師 ALLETA 跟另一個我不記得名字，很像左右護法)。他接著就從口袋裡拿出一張很小對折又對折的白紙， 上面寫著大概五行字吧， 那就是他今天上課的綱要， 是他提醒自己用的。然後他又會從口袋拿出一疊金色的一英鎊銅板， 差不多有十個吧，開始在桌上玩銅板疊疊樂， 一邊玩一邊開講， 每次都是這開場， 算是... 派頭十足。
他的英文有很重的西班牙跟法文腔，非常的難以理解，不過更增神秘性。他講課的範圍非常廣， 想哪講到哪， 全部信手拈來毫不費力。然後他會講個1個小時多一點點，然後就開始我每星期最期待的時段， 自由開放發問。我得說，我在英國如果啥都沒念會的話， 至少有幾的東西我是深深記在腦海裡， 第一個就是這個上課發問跟互相辯論。像我現在又去台大唸書，我就覺得這個氣氛還是差很多。在 LACLAU 的課上， 沒有人會強迫你講話， 因為你得搶破頭才有講話機會， 所以連我這麼不愛講話害羞的人也都會舉手。我覺得他會鼓勵一種氣氛，叫學生盡量 "反駁" 他。所以只要一開放問問題， 大家都舉手， 一直想找他麻煩， 不論是大的論點，或者是推論的瑕疵， 或者是抓到他的語病，每個學生都以能 "修理" 這個大師為樂，享受挑戰知識權威的樂趣。
他會很仔細的聽你問的問題， 甚至幫你重新釐清你的問題。像我作為一個外國人，要用英文表達政治哲學這麼艱深的概念， 是很困難的，但是沒關係，他有耐心。然後他會試著回答， 也許留一兩個漏洞 (我覺得是故意的)，讓你有機會可以再追上來咬他一口， 然後他再反擊.... 可以這樣反反覆覆好幾輪。最後， 因為時間的關係，他會說類似這種有點挑釁的話最為結語: "某某某，我覺得你接下來可能可以這樣辯解, 例如....... 啊， 不然你先回去想想， 下星期你再來試一次看看? "
他有時會拿出筆來好像在做筆記， 但是並沒有，他在畫畫。他自己講話就會玩銅板， 但是他習慣邊聽別人講話就一邊畫畫， 橫線，直線，然後每一個方格裡再畫直線、橫線，形成更小的方格， 不斷重複。我沒看過他畫別的。我覺得這跟他寫作的風格很像， 很條理分明，但很冷。
我老師平時很少在學校， 除了一個禮拜的上課那天，研究室裡也沒有書或太多資料， 很像他是一個客人。不知為何， 學校派了一個專用秘書給他，所以學生有大小事都要先找這個叫 NOREEN (?) 的秘書， 她是個個性非常活潑跟熱情的中年英國人 (很反常，也許她是勞工階級家庭出身， 聽口音)，我有時會過去跟她聊聊天。我只記得老師跟學生混過一次， 參加一個PARTY， 他穿得太正式，然後在大家起鬨下跳了探戈。我直覺他不是一個太拘謹或不懂得享受生活的人，只是他的社交圈在別處，ESSEX太鄉下太在地了。但是這是唯一一次我在社交場合看過他。
我的老師在思想上是個大師， 但是在處理學校行政跟學生事務上卻有些很嚴重的問題，這些問題後還造成我的一些嚴重遺憾。我跟我的老師一直都不親近。不知道他是喝酒過量或者真的太忙，所以完全無法勝任博士班導師的工作。當他的學生真的蠻痛苦的， 約見面通常都最少得一個月， 然後時間到了他常常都沒出現， 不是徹底忘記就是遲到。
我也很懷疑它到底有沒有看過一頁任何我寫的東西。我合理懷疑，我的博士論文草稿他一頁都沒看過，就叫我送出去。(剛好我的論文又寫得很另類， 不論在風格跟內容上) 。結果蠻慘的。英國的制度是口試時老師不能在， 結果我就被兩個看起來很像紅毛鬼的外國佬狂電一頓。我一聽到他們開始講: "你的英文很怪.... " 之後， 就完全抓狂，再也聽不進去任何一句他們問個鬼問題，我記得我們當場吵了起來。他們要求我修改， 我不肯，結果我就放棄了博士學位。這在當時是個很痛苦又淒慘的決定。
事後， 我的老師當然完全沒過問， 不要說電話， 連封信都沒來過， 好像完全沒發生這件事， 哈哈哈。我個人觀察他對歐洲學生比較有興趣， 互動比較多，好像不太理我這種亞洲人，不過那只是我的主觀感覺。不過當時我的社會能力也是很低，作為一個英文講得哩哩啦啦的黃種少數人，缺乏在學院系統裡鬥爭的膽量跟技術。他有他的缺陷，我有我的，於是我們中間築起了一道高牆，我想爬過去， 但是膽量跟技術不夠， 他則沒有爬過來的慾望。
話說回來，我在思想上是受到他相當大的影響。他那種冷冰冰手術刀式的分析方式，對於前青年時期不知如何打開自己的我是一種恰到好處的表達方式，雖然後來我開始覺得不滿足， 甚至是非常不滿足。所以我轉去看黑格爾、拉岡、ZIZEK，我在他們身上看到熱情，這我在我的老師身上沒看到。我跟這些 "知識" 曾經有一段愛恨交織的複雜關係，要拍50集連續劇才演的完。不過到了這個階段，不要看我在臉書上常常鬼扯，很多時候我是把過去我念的艱澀的政治理論完全本土化轉成大家看得懂的文字， 這是我現在願意花力氣的事。我當然還是在思考理論跟實踐的關係， 不是應用， 也不是翻譯， 而是進行程式改寫。
雖然我跟我老師私底下見面的機會大概十隻手指算的完， 但是我永遠記得他第一次見面跟我講的話， 這是我在英國學到的第二件有用的事。他說: "想必你來我們這念書是想當理論家? 理論家的第一個條件是甚麼? 條理清楚推論清晰。所以每次把你要給別人的讀的東西都自己先讀讀，如果你說服的了自己， 再去說服別人"。
老師你一路好走， 我還是有點難過。
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