領導人（企業，政府了）：清醒的與現實脫節的，讀經典，力行，講人性：Making and Humanising
https://www.facebook.com/hanching.chung/videos/1140476494219566
The people around the president appear to lack influence. Instead of being wise counsellors, they come across as stooges
王秋雄 《我在豐泰的經營回憶錄1971~2021 》 豐泰(Feng Tay)企業
劉向著 《說苑》Henry, Eric (2022). Garden of Eloquence / Shuoyuan 說苑. 談叢: 高山之巔無美木，傷於多陽也；大樹之下無美草，傷於多陰也。
Umberto Eco, 翁貝托‧埃科 在La Milanesiana震撼人心的12小時演講稿：《站在巨人的肩膀上/米蘭講稿》公案：作者在演講過程中投射的圖像豐富了這本書的吸引力。?? 哈佛大學出版社英譯本：純文字
馮睎乾十三維度：李嘉誠「不疾而速」作座右銘，秘訣是：「我每天也在『作最壞的打算，做最好的準備』。，他與徐蓁教授（Histotripsy的研發者），香港公私立醫院， "現在遲了二十年，河套不就是重點開發的地方嗎？"
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自 1945 年以來，美國的安全保障一直保護著德國，而在此期間，從來沒有一位德國總理建議德國從華盛頓解放出來——直到弗里德里希·梅爾茨，約瑟夫·德韋克寫道。 https://theatln.tc/GYr6V79G
韋克寫道，最近當選的梅爾茨「無論從社會、財政或政治角度衡量，都屬於保守派，遠非德國自由思想新一代的代表」。但梅爾茨上台之際，「正值唐納德·川普領導下的美國放棄二戰後在歐洲大陸的角色」。憑藉其右翼本能和建制根基，梅爾茨將帶領他的國家，甚至整個歐洲大陸，度過一段劃時代的變革時期。
梅爾茨承諾增加國防開支，鞏固烏克蘭主權，無論有沒有美國參與，都要保衛歐洲免受俄羅斯的侵害。韋克寫道：“他甚至試圖探索法國和英國是否可以將其核保護傘擴大到歐洲其他國家，以取代美國的保護。” 「在任何其他時候，歐洲自力更生的議程都可能是激進的。現在這是對事件的合理反應。
「默茨的經濟觀點可能受到他所處的地緣政治形勢最嚴峻的挑戰。要從北美框架中奪取歐洲安全，就需要新的投資、新的計劃，而且幾乎不可避免地需要巨額開支。梅爾茨將對政府支出和官僚主義感到不耐煩的自由市場主義者的本能運用到這項任務中，」韋克寫道。 “過去五年來，德國經濟一直處於停滯狀態，而梅爾茨提出的大多數解決方案似乎都是以犧牲工人或環境為代價的。”
「但保守的經濟正統觀念可能很快就會與其他優先事項發生衝突，其中一些優先事項與梅爾茨的核心非常接近......梅爾茨是一位歐洲主義者。他認為歐盟不是限制因素，而是一種信念，」韋克寫道。 “梅爾茨希望歐洲擁有主權，不受外國干涉，因為他認為華盛頓的新政府和莫斯科一樣，試圖分裂和破壞歐洲的民主。”
這是我們加拿大新任總理卡尼，哈佛畢業，牛津大學經濟學博士，曾任加拿大央行總裁，財政部副部長，帶領加拿大熬過經濟衰退危機，後來又被英國挖去當英國央行總裁，所以他是G7國家中唯一當過兩國央行總裁的人，被認為最適合對付川普。
川普現在可能還沒時間管加拿大，因為上週末好不容易被聯準會救起來的華爾街股市，今日道瓊又暴跌近九百點。
American security guarantees have protected Germany since 1945, and never in that time has a German chancellor suggested that it emancipate itself from Washington—until Friedrich Merz, Joseph de Weck writes.
https://theatln.tc/GYr6V79GRecently elected, “Merz is a conservative by any measure—social, fiscal, political—and far from being the avatar of a freethinking new generation in Germany,” Weck writes. But Merz will come into power “just as the United States, under Donald
Trump, abandons its post–World War II role on the continent. Merz, with his right-wing instincts and establishment roots, will be guiding his country, maybe even the continent, through a period of epochal change.”
Already, Merz has pledged to increase defense spending, shore up Ukraine’s sovereignty, and defend Europe from Russia with or without the United States. “He has even sought to explore whether France and Britain might extend their nuclear umbrella to the rest of Europe, in place of American protection,” Weck writes. “At any other time, this agenda of European self-reliance might be a radical one. Now it’s a logical response to events.”
“Merz’s economic views may be the ones most starkly challenged by the geopolitical moment he finds himself in. To wrest European security from the North American framework will require new investments, new programs, and, almost inevitably, big spending. Merz brings to this task the instincts of a free marketeer impatient with government outlay and bureaucracy,” Weck writes. “Germany’s economy has stagnated for the past five years, and most of Merz’s solutions to that seem to come at the expense of workers or the environment.”
“But conservative economic orthodoxies may soon run up against other priorities, some of them every bit as close to Merz’s core … Merz is a Europeanist. He sees the EU not as a constraint but as a conviction,” Weck writes. “Merz wants Europe to become sovereign and free of foreign interference because he believes that the new administration in Washington, like Moscow, seeks to divide and undermine democracy in Europe.”
: Paula Winkler / Ostkreuz / Redux
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