Albert O.Hirschman (1915-2002, Optimistic Economist, Dies at 97) The Rhetoric of Reaction Perversity, Futility, Jeopardy.On Language Exit Strategy By WILLIAM SAFIRE. Worldly Philosopher: The Odyssey of Albert O. Hirschman Jeremy Adelman Albert Hirschman 於1945年出版了一本叫做《國力與對外貿易結構》（National Power and the Structure of Foreign Trade），奠定了國際政治經濟學的一個核心命題：「貿易並不僅僅是經濟交換的手段，更是國家權力延伸的工具。」拆解反動修辭的大師：赫緒曼思想傳記 Albert O. Hirschman: An Intellectual Biography 米凱勒．阿拉切維奇 Michele Alacevich 著陳信宏譯

2013.1.1整理出架構 2013.7.2補《反動的修辭》......

■馬路或飛機
我的朋友赫許曼（Albert Hirschman）發現還有一些其他場合，不容許錯誤也可以是美德。他是位經濟學家，大半輩子都在研究拉丁美洲社會，以及提供意見給這些政府。同時，他也提供建議給非洲新興獨立國家。這些窮國家經常問他一個問題：「我們應該把有限的資源投在馬路上，或是投到空運上？」聽到這樣的問題，經濟學家自然的反應是回答：「馬路」，因為把錢投在開馬路上，可以為當地人民造就工作機會，而且社會上所有階級都可以享受到修路的好處。相反地，成立國家航空公司，需要的是外國的技術，而且航空公司也只對少數搭得起飛機的人有好處。話雖如此，長期的非洲及拉丁美洲實務經驗卻告訴赫許曼，「馬路」通常是錯誤的答案。在現實世界裡，馬路擁有很多項缺點。首先，撥給修路的經費很容易就會落入腐敗的地方官僚口袋中。而且，築馬路也比維修馬路來得容易。因此常見的狀況是，新路在幾年後開始毀壞，但由於崩毀速度是漸進的，所以並不會造成醜聞。於是，修築馬路的最後結果是：生活又回復原來的面貌。當初回答「築路」的經濟學者並沒有為這個國家造就什麼，只除了讓地方官僚的口袋更肥厚些。

接下來，再看看建立國家航空公司在現實世界裡所產生的功效。錢投下去之後，該地便擁有了一批昂貴的飛機、昂貴的機場以及昂貴的儀器設施。當國外技師離開後，當地人勢必得接受訓練，接手操作整個系統。和馬路不同的是，飛機可不會很優雅地損毀。墜機是非常醒目的大事，同時也能令執政者聲望掃地。遇難者又多半是有錢有勢的人，他們的死訊通常不會被忽視。統治者別無選擇。他們一旦擁有一家航空公司，就不得不好好經營它。他們不得不訓練一批鬥志高昂的機械維修幹部，願意準時上工，並以自家的技術為榮。結果，航空公司為這個落後國家所帶來的間接利益，超過它的直接經濟利益。它創造出一批「熟悉嚴格工業規章，而且擁有現代工作道德觀」的國民。而這批國民遲早又會在維修飛機之外，找到其他能發揮個人技巧的工作。於是，「不容許錯誤」的航空業，便成為指導傳統國家邁向現代化的最佳學校，雖然用的是這般矛盾的方式。
但是，關於「不容許錯誤的科技」轉變了世界，並強迫傳統社會改變，這並不是第一回。航空在今日的角色，頗類似航海在工業化之前的角色。英王享利八世——這位史上最殘忍也最聰明的英國君王、修道院破壞者兼大學創建者、殺妻者兼情歌作者、同時也是劍橋三一學院歷代名人的恩人——就深深明白，推進英格蘭現代化最有效率的工具，莫過於成立一支皇家海軍。十八世紀的工業革命之所以會始於英格蘭，始於這個日常生活與經濟雙雙受制於航海文化達三百年的小島，可不是偶然的。當年輕的俄國君主彼得大帝（一位個性酷似享利八世的君王），決定俄國現代化的時機已經屆臨，便為自己安排了一份工作，進入造船廠當學徒。---談「優雅地損毀」戴森『想像的未來』 (IMAGINED WORLD )

*****
1987-88 Tanner Lecture 1988.4.8The Tanner Lectures on Human Values - Page 1 - Google Books Result

Reactionary Rhetoric: The Case of the Perverse Effect

Government and Opposition Volume 28, Issue 3, pages 292–314, July 1993

The Rhetoric of Reaction

Perversity, Futility, Jeopardy

Albert O. Hirschman

Publication: March 1991

With engaging wit and subtle irony, Albert Hirschman maps the diffuse and treacherous world of reactionary rhetoric in which conservative public figures, thinkers, and polemicists have been arguing against progressive agendas and reforms for the past two hundred years.
Hirschman draws his examples from three successive waves of reactive thought that arose in response to the liberal ideas of the French Revolution and the Declaration of the Rights of Man, to democratization and the drive toward universal suffrage in the nineteenth century, and to the welfare state in our own century. In each case he identifies three principal arguments invariably used: (1) the perversity thesis, whereby any action to improve some feature of the political, social, or economic order is alleged to result in the exact opposite of what was intended; (2) the futility thesis, which predicts that attempts at social transformation will produce no effects whatever—will simply be incapable of making a dent in the status quo; (3) the jeopardy thesis, holding that the cost of the proposed reform is unacceptable because it will endanger previous hard-won accomplishments. He illustrates these propositions by citing writers across the centuries from Alexis de Tocqueville to George Stigler, Herbert Spencer to Jay Forrester, Edmund Burke to Charles Murray. Finally, in a lightning turnabout, he shows that progressives are frequently apt to employ closely related rhetorical postures, which are as biased as their reactionary counterparts. For those who aspire to the genuine dialogue that characterizes a truly democratic society, Hirschman points out that both types of rhetoric function, in effect, as contraptions designed to make debate impossible. In the process, his book makes an original contribution to democratic thought.
The Rhetoric of Reaction is a delightful handbook for all discussions of public affairs, the welfare state, and the history of social, economic, and political thought, whether conducted by ordinary citizens or academics.

Albert Hirschman, Optimistic Economist, Dies at 97

By WILLIAM YARDLEY

Published: December 23, 2012

Albert O. Hirschman, who in his youth helped rescue thousands of artists and intellectuals from Nazi-occupied France and went on to become an influential economist known for his optimism, died on Dec. 10 in Ewing Township, N.J. He was 97.

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United Press International

The economist and author Albert O. Hirschman held academic posts at Yale, Columbia and Harvard.

His death was confirmed by the Institute for Advanced Study in Princeton, N.J., where Mr. Hirschman spent the latter part of his career.

Mr. Hirschman pieced together his graduate work in economics in the 1930s while serving as a soldier and something of an insurgent. Born in Germany, he fought on the anti-fascist side in the Spanish Civil War and later joined the French Army in its resistance to the Nazis.

When France fell in 1940, he became an integral part of a rescue operation led by the journalist Varian Fry that helped more than 2,000 people escape to Spain, among them the artists Marc Chagall and Marcel Duchamp and the political theorist Hannah Arendt.

Mr. Hirschman found routes through the Pyrenees Mountains for those who were fleeing and smuggled messages in toothpaste tubes.

By the early 1940s, he had moved to the United States and enlisted in the Army, which sent him to North Africa and to Italy as part of the Office of Strategic Services. One of his duties was to translate for a German general in an early war crimes trial. Later, he worked with the Federal Reserve Board, focusing on European reconstruction under the Marshall Plan.

In 1952, he moved to Colombia to be an economic adviser to that impoverished but rapidly developing country. A few years later, he was back in the United States, beginning a 30-year academic career in which he blended economics, politics and culture and held posts at Yale, Columbia and Harvard. He rarely invoked the experiences of his youth in his academic work, but certain themes persisted in both periods of his life.

Mr. Hirschman argued that social setbacks were essentially an ingredient of progress, that good things eventually come from what he viewed as constructive tensions between private interest and civicmindedness, between quiet compliance and loud protest.

He ranged widely in his writings, which include geographically specific studies on economic development, like “Journeys Toward Progress: Studies of Economic Policy-Making in Latin America.” A broader work was “Exit, Voice and Loyalty: Responses to Decline in Firms, Organizations and States,” published in 1970.此書中國有翻譯

That book outlined different ways that people deal with disagreeable rules or situations politically, culturally and professionally. Some might suffer silently out of loyalty, while others raise questions and still others decide to abandon a situation. The theory has been applied to how politically oppressed people might flee a nation as well as why shoppers stop buying a certain product — a retail variation of what Mr. Hirschman called the “exit option.”

In 2003, William Safire, the columnist for The New York Times who also wrote the On Language column for The New York Times Magazine, led an informal search for the roots of the phrase “exit strategy.” The search led to economists, who pointed to Mr. Hirschman, who denied culpability, sort of.

“Did he coin the phrase?” Mr. Safire wrote after interviewing Mr. Hirschman. “No; it’s nowhere in his book. He used exit option. ‘It was a somewhat new concept then,’ Hirschman recalls. ‘I used exit to indicate a possibility, a strategy. When you are dissatisfied, you can use your voice option or your exit option. It is not so different from the political use today. Speak up or get out.’ ”

While many economists were increasingly immersed in statistics, Mr. Hirschman often wrote with a storyteller’s sweep about the behavior of nations, institutions and individuals. At a time when top-down models for stabilizing economies were popular, particularly in developing countries, Mr. Hirschman was inclined toward a kind of chaotic capitalism called disequilibria.

Mr. Hirschman “thought disequilibria creates problems that you have to solve — and that’s a good thing,” said Jeremy Adelman, a professor of history at Princeton and the author of a biography, “Worldly Philosopher: The Odyssey of Albert O. Hirschman,” to be published next year.

Otto Albert Hirschmann was born on April 7, 1915, in Berlin. (He later changed the order of his given names and dropped one of the n’s from his last name.) His father was a surgeon. His survivors include a daughter, Katia Salomon; four grandchildren and nine great-grandchildren. His wife of 70 years, the former Sarah Chapiro, died in January.

Mr. Hirschman was an ardent optimist. He believed, as Mr. Adelman put it, “that even the most seemingly immutable, impossible situations could be solved, that you could change things that seemed unchangeable.”

But he also said that things sometimes had to get harder before they got better.

“Somehow we always try to think in terms of having only one thing happen; everything else will coalesce around it, and we’ll come out all right,” Mr. Hirschman said in a transcribed conversation with an anthropologist in 1976.

He added: “Generally we only have one lever at a time. We only have one ‘new key’ at a time. To try to counteract this sort of thinking is very important. This kind of faddishness has marred all thinking about economic development.”

This article has been revised to reflect the following correction:
Correction: December 28, 2012

An obituary on Monday about the economist Albert O. Hirschman referred incorrectly to the Office of Strategic Services, in which he served in the 1940s. It was a civilian agency under the command of the Joint Chiefs of Staff; it was not a part of the United States Army.

On Language

Exit Strategy

By WILLIAM SAFIRE

Published: December 14, 2003

he Bush administration has begun searching for an exit strategy ,'' wrote NPR's Daniel Schorr in a recent Christian Science Monitor column. He noted that the phrase coming from the Bush White House went in the other direction: ''stay the course.''

Donald Rumsfeld, peppered with questions about when the U.S. forces would leave Iraq, found a creative way to treat the phrase that refused to focus on departure: ''Our exit strategy in Iraq is success.

It's that simple. The objective is not to leave; the objective is to succeed in our mission.''

The penetration of a new phrase is sometimes measured in cartoon captions, especially in The New Yorker. In 1995, a bride-to-be was pictured in a Robert Mankoff cartoon responding to her swain on bended knee: ''O.K., but what's our exit strategy ?'' In 1999, James Stevenson drew a prisoner in a cell asking his cellmate, ''What's your exit strategy ?''

Alistair Cooke, the British-born American commentator whose weekly Letter From America has long added a touch of class to the BBC, took note of the jailbird exit strategists of '99 and observed, ''' Exit strategy ' is one of those simple-sounding, actually menacing catch phrases we've started using about war when it's uncomfortable to think a little deeper and acknowledge something unpleasant.'' He cited others: in harm's way and putting our men at risk .'' He guessed that exit strategy ''came in with the gulf war.''

Those of us in the phrasal etymological dodge cannot rely on anybody's recollection; citations are the thing. My researcher, Kathleen Miller, accepted the mission and enlisted the aid of Fred R. Shapiro, who as editor of the Yale Dictionary of Quotations touches all the scholarly databases. Fred came up with several uses in the late 1970's in business publications. In the Winter 1977 issue of the California Management Review, William Matthews and Wayne Boucher wrote critically of a company that ''continues to attempt to achieve the established objectives -- way past the point at which, if the company had had a 'planned exit strategy ,' it would have decided to terminate the venture.''

At that point I would have emitted a gleeful aha!, but Miller kept coming up with the use of the phrase by economists who cited a seminal 1970 book by Albert O. Hirschman about three strategies: ''Exit, Voice and Loyalty.'' According to a 2001 paper presented at a California conference by the Moscow economist Vadim Radaev, Hirschman postulated three strategies to deal with uncertainty caused by new formal rules: the voice strategist publicly questions the orders, the loyalty strategist complies and the exit strategist avoids the new rules.

At my command (''Get Hirschman, if he hasn't exited''), she found the 88-year-old social scientist where the geniuses hang out, at the School of Social Science at the Institute for Advanced Study in Princeton, N.J.

Did he coin the phrase? No; it's nowhere in his book. He used exit option. ''It was a somewhat new concept then,'' Hirschman recalls. ''I used exit to indicate a possibility, a strategy. When you are dissatisfied, you can use your voice option or your exit option . It is not so different from the political use today. Speak up or get out.''

That original where's-my-hat sense has changed to ''a blueprint for bailout.'' In political and journalistic use, the phrase's connotation is accusatory: today's question, ''Where is your exit strategy ?'' connotes ''How do you plan to get us out of this mess at a date certain?'' In his answer, Rumsfeld chose to counter that polemical connotation by defining the mission not as exit but as success.

I am still working on stay the course , which appears to be rooted in a nautical metaphor. Send coinage citations to onlanguage@nytimes.com .

TOCQUEVILLE LIVES

What is it about the aforementioned Alistair Cooke that delights and educates the millions around the world who listen to him?

I was reading an essay he wrote in a 1935 issue of The Listener in which he used a letter from one of his British listeners to explain the way it is with Americans. The letter was about a scene in the movie of Dashiell Hammett's ''Thin Man,'' starring Myrna Loy and William Powell. Cooke first describes the scene: ''It is the one in which the wife (Myrna Loy) and her ex-detective husband are the hosts at a very rowdy and casual party which includes detectives, a lawyer, a few journalists, a young university student, a few ex-convicts, a fashionable divorcee. There is a chorus of drunks limply conducting a carol with almost any article of fire irons they can find. A fat man is howling for a long-distance call. There are three or four people chasing each other. You have to assume that at least a dozen wineglasses will be broken, tables scratched, that cigarettes will by this time be quietly punctuating the pattern of every strip of carpet, lace and cushion in the room. The atmosphere is so compelling, in fact, that Myrna Loy is moved to fling her arms around her husband's neck and confess weakly, 'What I like about you, darling, is you have such charming friends.' ''

Cooke then quotes from his correspondent's letter: ''However congenial or revolting the whole group seems to you personally, there is one astounding fact about that party. It is the way it is conducted. Can you think offhand of any English couple you know who, faced with that motley crew, wouldn't have given in, refused to serve people drinks, turned somebody out, felt their dignity wounded, or had a bitter quarrel about it afterwards? On the contrary, the good temper, the easy flippancy, the quick alert manners, the indifference to the good looks of their household; above all, the smooth indifference to this howling mix-up of social classes -- all this was taken so much for granted that in the middle of laughing I nearly forgot to notice it. But now I should call it, and I'm choosing my words carefully, a quality of breeding that probably no other race possesses.''

''At a later time,'' Cooke wrote, ''I shall try to suggest why it is possible in America for social classes to mingle freely and vitally and yet without sentimentality -- the reason is in the language.''

He has been using that language with grace, wit and precision to skewer linguistic pomposity and to explain our common language all during that ''later time'' -- which has taken him to his 95th birthday. He's still going strong. You can read him, even hear him, on http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/programmes/letter_from_america .

Worldly Philosopher:
The Odyssey of Albert O. Hirschman
Jeremy Adelman

Where to buy this ebook
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Worldly Philosopher chronicles the times and writings of Albert O. Hirschman, one of the twentieth century's most original and provocative thinkers. In this gripping biography, Jeremy Adelman tells the story of a man shaped by modern horrors and hopes, a worldly intellectual who fought for and wrote in defense of the values of tolerance and change.
Born in Berlin in 1915, Hirschman grew up amid the promise and turmoil of the Weimar era, but fled Germany when the Nazis seized power in 1933. Amid hardship and personal tragedy, he volunteered to fight against the fascists in Spain and helped many of Europe's leading artists and intellectuals escape to America after France fell to Hitler. His intellectual career led him to Paris, London, and Trieste, and to academic appointments at Columbia, Harvard, and the Institute for Advanced Study in Princeton. He was an influential adviser to governments in the United States, Latin America, and Europe, as well as major foundations and the World Bank. Along the way, he wrote some of the most innovative and important books in economics, the social sciences, and the history of ideas.
Throughout, he remained committed to his belief that reform is possible, even in the darkest of times.
This is the first major account of Hirschman's remarkable life, and a tale of the twentieth century as seen through the story of an astute and passionate observer. Adelman's riveting narrative traces how Hirschman's personal experiences shaped his unique intellectual perspective, and how his enduring legacy is one of hope, open-mindedness, and practical idealism.
Jeremy Adelman is the Walter Samuel Carpenter III Professor of Spanish Civilization and Culture and director of the Council for International Teaching and Research at Princeton University. His books include Worlds Together, Worlds Apart: A History of the World and Sovereignty and Revolution in the Iberian Atlantic (Princeton)

Endorsement:
"This is an exceptional book. Hirschman's intellectual and political journey is described with sharpness and perspicacity. Family life, cultural encounters, and the imprints of a lifetime highlight the importance and significance of one of the most creative intellectuals of the twentieth century, who had a profound influence on so many people around the world, including myself."--Fernando Henrique Cardoso, former president of Brazil
"Worldly Philosopher is a brilliant book. It is at once a thrilling story, an inspiring and melancholy intellectual biography, and a history of the shifting involvements of social science in twentieth-century public life."--Emma Rothschild, author of The Inner Life of Empires: An Eighteenth-Century History

"Albert Hirschman is one of the most distinguished social scientists of the past half century. He has led an exciting and exemplary life, and Jeremy Adelman has researched and written an exhaustive biography. We are all in Adelman's debt for having followed Hirschman's journey, thoroughly and with sympathy."--Charles S. Maier, author of Among Empires: American Ascendancy and Its Predecessors

Joel來談日本

2025年4月8日

已故的知名經濟學家及思想家 Albert Hirschman 於1945年出版了一本叫做《國力與對外貿易結構》（National Power and the Structure of Foreign Trade），奠定了國際政治經濟學的一個核心命題：「貿易並不僅僅是經濟交換的手段，更是國家權力延伸的工具。」

赫希曼指出，透過貿易產生的依賴性、不對稱性和選擇性，國家可以在不訴諸軍事手段的情況下，實現對其他國家的影響與控制。他以1930年代納粹德國藉由操控貿易控制東歐小國的策略為案例，詳細論證了貿易如何被用作地緣政治的槓桿。

赫希曼在書中提出了「影響效果」（Influence Effect）與「供給效果」（Supply Effect）兩個核心概念。前者說明當國家掌控關鍵貿易品項或供應來源時，可透過終止或限制貿易來對他國施壓；後者則指貿易可以加強一國戰爭動員能力，例如確保戰略物資供應或與盟友建立穩定貿易通道。赫希曼強調，真正的國力來自於讓對方在失去貿易關係時承受更大損失，並增加其調整替代來源的難度。這些觀點打破了傳統經濟學對自由貿易「互利共贏」的信仰，突顯貿易中潛藏的權力不對等。

赫希曼的觀點最近又被重新發掘，特別是在探討地緣政治與貿易交織議題時，他的理論提供了一種更貼近現實政治運作的視角。對他而言，國際貿易的本質就是一種權力分配的體現，尤其是在國家利益與安全優先於市場效率的情況下。

2025年川普政府第二任期中推出了具有高度象徵與實質意涵的「對等關稅」政策，作為美國對全球貿易秩序重新定位的標誌。政策核心在於針對與美國貿易順差較高的國家徵收對等甚至懲罰性關稅，起始稅率為10%，部分國家則將近50%。例如，中國遭課以34%關稅（4月5日此時），歐盟為20%，越南高達46%，而如柬埔寨與萊索托等小國也被課以近50%稅率。

這項政策以《國際緊急經濟權力法》（IEEPA）為法律依據，並以「國家緊急狀態」為名實施，標榜應對貿易逆差、保護美國勞工、遏制不公平貿易做法以及強化供應鏈安全。然而，其計算基礎「以貿易逆差占進口比率來設定關稅比例」遭廣泛批評為經濟上不嚴謹。儘管政策包含對戰略部門的豁免，表面上具備某種精細設計，但整體上仍顯露出單邊主義與重商主義色彩。

值得注意的是，此種「對等關稅」實際上並未真正遵循WTO的多邊機制，也未考慮產業價值鏈的高度全球化現實。其所傳遞出的訊號，不僅是經濟上的對抗，更是地緣政治上的施壓手段，目的在於強化美國對其他經濟體的談判籌碼，進一步鞏固其全球領導地位。

將川普的「對等關稅」政策置於赫希曼理論框架下，顯現出許多重疊與呼應之處。首先，政策展現了典型的「影響效果」邏輯：藉由利用美國市場作為全球出口的核心終端市場，對貿易盈餘國進行施壓。這種策略意圖創造一種貿易依賴，讓被徵稅國無法輕易放棄美國市場，從而迫使其讓步於談判桌上。

其次，政策中的「供應鏈重組」、「製造業回流」與「國安優先」等論述，與赫希曼所謂的「供給效果」不謀而合。美國藉由重新導向供應來源、確保關鍵物資自主可控、以及增加與盟國間的戰略合作，顯示其不僅追求經濟利益，更深層地反映出一種強化國力與自我防衛的戰略思維。

而且川普政策中的地緣選擇亦具有戰略意圖：例如針對中國、歐盟、日本等經濟強國施加壓力，意圖迫使其在其他議題（如科技、地緣政治、安全）上讓步；而對小國徵收高額關稅，雖對美國經濟影響有限，卻具備示範效果與談判籌碼的象徵意義，這種策略性選擇與赫希曼所分析的納粹貿易政策有高度相似性。

赫希曼曾指出，當貿易成為國力擴張的手段時，國際制度與合作機制將遭受挑戰。美國此舉對WTO等多邊體系的衝擊，正是這一預言的現代再現。此外，他也提醒，當貿易依賴變成壓力工具時，易引發報復行動與長期信任危機，進而削弱全球經濟穩定性與國際政治秩序。

儘管赫希曼的理論出於20世紀初至中葉的歷史環境，其基本論點在今日依然保有高度解釋力。不過，1940年代與2025年之間的國際關係還是有顯著差異。赫希曼所處的世界仍以國家為主要經濟單位，國際貿易多為雙邊協定；而今日的全球經濟高度整合，跨國企業與價值鏈遍布各國，政治與經濟邊界日益模糊。

當代國際制度（如WTO、IMF、世界銀行）與科技變革（尤其是數位與人工智慧技術），大幅改變了國家與市場的互動邏輯。赫希曼著重於「貿易依賴」的非對等性，而當今的經濟現實則是「相互依賴」與「供應鏈韌性」並存。即使如此，其關於「權力不對等」與「貿易政治性」的論點，依然適用於分析美國運用單邊關稅工具所引發的國際矛盾。

在應用層面，有學者將赫希曼視為依賴理論的先驅，認為川普的貿易政策是一種現代的「權力貿易」實踐。此種觀點認為，川普實際上並非單純追求貿易平衡，而是試圖以經濟工具改寫國際規則，重新劃分全球利益格局。即使赫希曼在理論建構上未使用數學模型，他的實證方法與跨領域視角，使其作品在當代國際政治經濟學中重獲評價。

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不論就什麼標準而言，阿爾伯特．赫緒曼都不是典型的學者。出生為德國人的他，到了三十歲已參與過兩次世界大戰，也在三座不同大陸的七個國家居住過。他能夠以五種語言交談書寫，使用過多個筆名，而且能夠假扮成土生土長的法國人而不被發現。他從不曾獲得高級學位，卻任職於十幾所菁英機構。乍看之下，他的學術產出可能像是各種主題和方法論的大雜燴。然而，他卻是二十世紀最重要也最具影響力的社會科學家之一。

在他漫長的人生裡，赫緒曼於數十年間不斷對經濟學與社會科學做出開創性的貢獻。他的貢獻絕非一系列毫無道理的探索，而是共同呈現出一條智識發展路徑，帶有驚人的想像力與深刻的一致性。他的視野極為寬廣，能夠把所有的社會科學涵蓋在一套總體的學科範圍當中，從而改變那些學問本身的界限，因此他總是偏好談論一個單一的詮釋性社會科學。到了學術生涯尾聲，赫緒曼已是當時在世的思想家當中最受仰慕的一位，也是最難以模仿的一位。

赫緒曼在他的學術生涯裡雖然也不乏遭受批評，但他的著作受到的評價通常強調其原創性，甚至是其精妙之處，而淡化其中比較引人疑慮的面向。身為傳記作者，我承認自己不是完全客觀中立；但儘管如此，我在呈現自己的分析之時，還是盡量不迴避赫緒曼的著作裡所存在的問題。赫緒曼曾經把自己對於任何一項分析的思考方式形容為「不必然是這樣」。我也以自己的方式試圖採取赫緒曼的這種「不必然是這樣」的態度，效法他看待世界的觀點，而以不帶成見的方式看待他。我尤其試圖評估赫緒曼對於同時代文獻的貢獻：他的觀念如何受到同僚與決策人士的討論、採用，或是拒卻；他的觀念是否禁得起時間考驗；以及他與機構的關係如何演變。由於赫緒曼是一位深富原創性的思想家，因此我們很容易忍不住強調他的獨特性，而在無意間把他奉為偶像。我在本書裡著重的一大要點，就是把赫緒曼放在適切的背景脈絡當中，從他與自己的智識及政治同僚持續不斷的對話當中看待他。不是把他視為一個獨特的學者（儘管他確實極為獨特），而是他那個時代的智識與政治辯論當中的一個參與者。

由於本書是一部思想傳記，因此一大部分的內容都投注於探討赫緒曼的學術生涯。二○一三年出版的《入世哲學家：赫緒曼的奧德賽之旅》（Wordly Philosopher: The Odyssey of Albert O. Hirschman），是一部極為優美又更加詳細的傳記，作者阿德爾曼（Jeremy Adelman）是普林斯頓大學的史學家，也是赫緒曼夫婦阿爾伯特與莎拉的好友。只要是對赫緒曼的生平與著作感興趣的人，阿德爾曼的那部傳記絕對是一本不可或缺的參考書。不過，阿德爾曼的那本書「不是赫緒曼著作的故事，而是那些著作背後的故事……是他一生思想的背景傳記故事」。相對之下，本書則比較是關於那些著作本身，關於那些著作所引發的辯論，以及那些著作試圖探究的問題；因此，阿德爾曼的那本書和我的這本書與其說是互相替代，不如說是彼此互補。我們雖然在許多面向有所重疊，卻也在若干地方強調不同元素。同樣的說法也可套用於其他作品，包括一群拉丁美洲的同僚與朋友在近期所進行的分析（他們對於赫緒曼與拉丁美洲的關係特別感興趣），以及若干在赫緒曼去世之後針對他的著作提出的讚譽。

面對一個像赫緒曼這樣的思想家，如果要瞭解他的著作，尤其必須對他的人生採取全面性的觀點。歷史事件，特別是發生於赫緒曼人生前半段的歷史事件，在形塑他的世界觀當中占有主導地位。赫緒曼的人生無法劃分為早期的「行動生活」階段（vita activa）以及後期的「沉思生活」階段（vita contemplativa），儘管他自己提議過類似的劃分方式，在介紹他最新出版的論文集之時提及「我人生中的冒險性與沉思性面向」。赫緒曼的著作向來都與現實世界具有深刻連結，而他的學術產出也總是由特定問題引發，因為他希望能夠提出有用的想法，對問題的解決有所貢獻。赫緒曼絕非象牙塔學者，而是極為腳踏實地。

實際上，赫緒曼人生的前半段大體上漂泊不定，思想經常是透過行動而成形，像是他參與反法西斯的抵抗運動，或是在走訪哥倫比亞各地之時與農民以及市鎮首長談話。他總是非常關注歷史，因為歷史深深影響了他的思想、價值觀，以及他在自己所屬那個時代當中的生活方式。赫緒曼在他的職業生涯裡經常四處旅行，許多文章都是在世界各地受邀參加討論會而寫成的結果。這些文章也體現了赫緒曼的思考與行動之間的關聯，但比較屬於經常存在於學者人生中的這兩個領域之間的正常連結；至於利用帶有夾層的手提箱偷運宣傳小冊，則是另一回事。本書的第一部分在一定程度上仔細記述了赫緒曼的著作以及生活；至於他四十五歲以後的人生，則是比較專門聚焦於他的著作。

關注赫緒曼的個人生活，也表示我決定尊重他多次的改名換姓。在柏林出生時被命名為奧圖．阿爾伯特．赫緒曼（Otto Albert Hirschmann）的他，在一九四○年有幾個月的時間改名為阿爾伯特．赫曼特（Albert Hermant），一九四一年之後則是改為阿爾伯特．赫緒曼（Albert O. Hirschman）。（他還有另外一個筆名，稍後就會在第一章談到，我不想提前爆雷。）阿德爾曼當初也決定採取同樣的做法，而我實在找不到比他傳達這一點更貼切的言詞：「以一般人最視為理所當然的日常舉動體現二十世紀的種種轉折，那項舉動就是我們受到稱呼的姓名。」

既然本書是一部思想傳記，所以對赫緒曼的家庭生活也就幾乎毫不關注。這點就赫緒曼的太太莎拉．夏皮洛．赫緒曼（Sarah Chapiro Hirschman）而言尤其問題重重。莎拉不只是他終生的伴侶，而且如同赫緒曼在《反動的修辭》的題獻詞所寫的，也是他的「第一位讀者，同時又是五十年來的評論者」。此外，在構成赫緒曼著作基礎的許多旅程當中，她也扮演了共同研究者的角色，書寫實體筆記並且主動參與討論與訪談。她是赫緒曼最重要的智識對話夥伴，為赫緒曼引介了一套龐大的新文獻，例如人類學家的著作，而赫緒曼也持續不斷在他的寫作當中使用這些文獻。

不過，莎拉不只是一名盡心盡責的研究者以及富有同理心的伴侶，她同樣也生活在現實世界裡。她為了支持低收入成年西班牙語使用者的閱讀活動，而創立了「人與故事」計畫（People & Stories/Gente y Cuentos）。這項計畫非常成功，不但廣為擴展，也衍生出其他語言和形式的版本，以便造福不同的弱勢群體。這是草根社運的絕佳案例，赫緒曼本身也從中學到不少東西。如同阿德爾曼指出的，赫緒曼在一九八四年寫作《集體向前進》（Getting Ahead Collectively）的時候，莎拉的草根活動以及她「銜接識字與口語能力」的努力所造成的「深刻印記」，即可見於赫緒曼的實地研究做法以及寫作風格當中。

他的女兒卡蒂亞（Katia）與麗莎（Lisa）所扮演的角色，在本書裡也不得不受到犧牲。書中唯一提到她們與父親之間的關係，是一封他在一九六五年寫給她們的信件，引用於第四章。赫緒曼在信中仔細解說了他為自己正在寫作的書所得出的若干最奇特的結論。不過，這封信只可讓我們稍微窺見一項充滿深情與智識交流的父女關係，而此一父女關係也再度顯示了赫緒曼如何以活力把他的學術生活與個人生活交織在一起。

※#序

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#拆解反動修辭的大師：赫緒曼思想傳記

Albert O. Hirschman: An Intellectual Biography

米凱勒．阿拉切維奇 Michele Alacevich 著

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