戈巴契夫為蘇聯帶來了開放和變革，卻沒能阻止它解體。
他沒有理解的是，放鬆一個建立在脅迫、權力和恐懼之上的制度等於是在摧毀它。
戈巴契夫的改革曾令西方過度樂觀，認為歷史將朝著自由主義的道路直線前進。但復興帝國的想法深植於俄羅斯的民族心理，一個和平統一的歐洲大陸的理想也愈發遙遠。
在西方大部分國家，戈巴契夫被視為有遠見的領導人。
但對習近平來說，蘇聯解體正是他畢生致力於避免的政治衝擊波。2013年，他把蘇聯的崩潰稱為「深刻教訓」。
普丁將蘇聯解體視為災難和恥辱，歸咎於戈巴契夫屈從於西方的要求。他以恢復對俄羅斯領土的統治為名發動了對烏克蘭的戰爭，還延伸到對個人自由和政治自由的控制。
“Today, peace means the ascent from simple coexistence to cooperation and common creativity among countries and nations.
Peace is movement towards globality and universality of civilization. Never before has the idea that peace is indivisible been so true as it is now.
Peace is not unity in similarity but unity in diversity, in the comparison and conciliation of differences. And, ideally, peace means the absence of violence.”
- Mikhail Gorbachev speaking one year after the fall of the Berlin Wall and the unification of Germany. He was awarded the 1990 Nobel Peace Prize “for the leading role he played in the radical changes in East-West relations” that helped thaw the Cold War. He was born on this day in 1931.
米哈伊爾·戈爾巴喬夫，根本上而言，他是蘇聯人
google 翻譯：
蘇聯的最後一位領導人試圖使他的國家現代化和改革——儘管他沒有把它想像成一個帝國。
2009 年 3 月 19 日，米哈伊爾·戈爾巴喬夫在華盛頓特區。
斯蒂芬·沃斯 / Redux 攝
米哈伊爾·戈爾巴喬夫（Mikhail Gorbachev）比蘇聯活了 30 多年——這足以讓俄羅斯放棄過去的許多改革、現代化努力和誠實的對抗，這些都標誌著他成為最後的中央委員會總書記。在對戈爾巴喬夫歷史地位的全面評價中，馬沙·格森也寫到，他看到自己成為俄羅斯知識界鄙視的對象，以及大多數將他與“不穩定、混亂，以及曾經熟悉的一切的終結。”格森指出，戈爾巴喬夫最大的成就源於他“動搖”的能力，他的“世界觀可能會受到挑戰和改變”。 “戈爾巴喬夫是那種罕見的政治家，他相信世界和其中的人們——包括他自己——可以比他們通常看起來的更好，”格森寫道。 “他政治生涯的最大悲劇是，在過去的二十三年裡，俄羅斯一直被相反的政治家統治。”——伊恩·克勞奇，時事通訊編輯
池田大作( Daisaku Ikeda)對話錄文集：Dawn After Dark with René Huyghe, (1991/2008),
Daisaku Ikeda (池田 大作, Ikeda Daisaku, born 2 January 1928)
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Daisaku_Ikeda
2021.4.11想看的對話
20世紀的精神教訓：戈爾巴喬夫與池田大作對話錄
32開，36萬字，520頁；1996日文/2005中文：注意日文書名。
我一翻開，兩人大談歌德/漸進革命等等，因為採筆談，所以"引用"可以很淵博
https://hcbooks.blogspot.com/2007/10/20.html2016池田大作( Daisaku Ikeda)與世界賢人、學者的對話錄，可能有數十本了。台灣早期的出版者有遠流等。台北市的正因文化出版社出了十幾本對談集。有意思的是，下述博客來網站似乎未包括這些書。
 | Wednesday, August 31, 2022 | |
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In today’s newsletter, what Gorbachev couldn’t do, and then: | |
| The last leader of the U.S.S.R. attempted to modernize and reform his country—even as he failed to imagine it as anything but an empire. 
Mikhail Gorbachev outlived the Soviet Union by more than thirty years—long enough to see Russia turn away from many of the reforms, efforts at modernization, and honest confrontations of the past that marked his time as the final General Secretary of the Central Committee. Long enough, too, Masha Gessen writes, in a sweeping appraisal of Gorbachev’s place in history, to see himself become an object of disdain among the Russian intelligentsia, and of greater scorn among most others, who have come to associate him “with instability, chaos, and the end of everything that once felt familiar.” Gessen notes that Gorbachev’s greatest accomplishments stemmed from his ability to be “shaken,” and that his “world view could be challenged and changed.” “Gorbachev was that rare sort of politician who acted on the belief that the world and the people in it—including himself—can be better than they often appear to be,” Gessen writes. “The ultimate tragedy of his political life is that, for the past twenty-three years, Russia has been ruled by the opposite sort of politician.” —Ian Crouch, newsletter editor |
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