羅興亞難民為何讓人權偶像昂山素季很為難？
.....自8月25日開始的武裝衝突，過去十幾天成為世界在朝鮮核問題之外的另一個關注點，因為戰事一起，從若開邦出逃的羅興亞難民，又一次成為鄰國極為頭痛的大問題。
另一方面，由於羅興亞人世代信奉伊斯蘭教，不少遠離緬甸的國家也爆發支持羅興亞人的民眾示威。
一時間，國際組織、人權機構、政府官員、社會名流們紛紛表態，希望緬甸各方停止暴力衝突，解決羅興亞人大規模出逃的棘手問題。
理想與現實
作為緬甸政府有實無名的元首，執政的全國民主陣線領導人昂山素季自然成為外界所有輿論的焦點人物。更由於她曾多年遭遇緬甸軍政府的打壓，因爭取緬甸的民主與人權而榮獲諾貝爾和平獎，外界對她寄予重望。
甚至有人認定她手握魔棒，不僅有化干戈為玉帛的魔力，而且有權威一蹴而就化解多年來羅興亞人與若開人在歷史、種族、宗教的對立。
或許在很多同情羅興亞難民的人心中，昂山素季最好在緬甸有說一不二的至尊皇權，這樣所有的問題便可迎刃而解。
可惜，現實並非如此。
根據緬甸政府1982年頒布的《緬甸公民法》，羅興亞人被劃成孟加拉人，在緬甸屬於非法移民。
昂山素季作為緬甸民選的執政領導人，又怎麼能夠不顧民意、不尊重法律公開為羅興亞人鳴冤叫屈？
在緬甸的羅興亞人，人數雖然超過100萬，在若安邦居住了數代，但在緬甸主流民意看來，他們仍然是外來人，因為他們語言不同、宗教信仰也不同。
在緬甸，他們被稱為"賓加利人"，即來自孟加拉的非法外鄉人，既無名也無分。
反恐與人權
本次，緬甸政府說挑起事端的是"賓加利人"，並認定「若開羅興亞救世軍」為極端主義恐怖組織，將本次的軍事行動與國際反恐大背景掛鉤。
昂山素季如果表態支持或者同情羅興亞人，一方面會在父老鄉親選民們心中留下不忠的嫌疑，另一方面有可能成為政敵今後攻擊她的把柄。
羅興亞難民問題以及緬甸國內錯綜複雜的民族問題，對昂山素季來說彷彿是個危險的陷阱，稍有不慎便會危及全國民主聯盟脆弱的執政地位。
因此，面對國際間指責緬甸對羅興亞人種族清洗，昂山素季曾表示，"用種族清洗"一詞來形容羅興亞人的狀況"太過分"。
本次，武裝衝突發生了十多天，近13萬羅興亞人逃離緬甸後，昂山素季面對國際間的輿論壓力終於說話，否認緬甸軍方暴力鎮壓羅興亞穆斯林。
她說，在若開邦的危機真相被人混淆視聽，而恐怖分子從中受益。
果真如此，緬甸如果解除對媒體的限制，同時讓聯合國和人權機構進入若開邦，真相應該不難大白。
緬甸政府發表的聲明引述了昂山素季這樣一番話：「我們非常明白，甚至比大部分的人更為了解被剝奪了人權和民主保障的滋味。」
但是，在羅興亞人難民問題上，昂山素季又能做什麼呢？
一早知道，Trump 總統因sexism和racism，遭英國議會揶揄、謝絕。
由可愛的校友John Bercow說出，好玩！
由可愛的校友John Bercow說出，好玩！
蘋論：翁山蘇姬可恥
2017年09月06日
緬甸有一個幕後軍事強權、有一個諾貝爾和平獎得主翁山蘇姬、有一個倒楣又信奉伊斯蘭教的少數種族洛興雅人。2012年以來，信奉佛教的緬甸激進份子在軍方偏袒下攻擊洛興雅人。上月25日，洛興雅武裝組織「阿拉干洛興雅救世軍」反擊一些政府軍崗哨，軍方報復性掃蕩，90次武裝衝突中，雙方共400死。6萬洛興雅人往鄰國孟加拉逃難，傷亡枕藉。
無視屠殺洛興雅人
上周四20具溺斃遺體被沖上岸，包括12名幼童。因孟加拉無力再多收難民，大量洛興雅難民無法入境，被困在緬、孟間，進退維谷。
信奉伊斯蘭教的國家集體譴責緬甸，有人說「種族滅絕正在這裡進行」；聯合國秘書長日前嚴重關切此事，要求阻止「人道主義大災難」。車臣總理也指出緬甸進行的是「種族屠殺」。
咦，該國不是有個鼎鼎大名的諾貝爾和平獎得主翁山蘇姬？為什麼沒聽到她發出正義之聲？同為和平獎得主的馬拉拉前天在推特譴責緬甸殘害其他族裔是「悲慘可恥的對待」，她說：「我仍等待同為諾貝爾獎得主的翁山蘇姬也能這麼做（呼籲國際力量介入阻止種族滅絕）。」如果翁山蘇姬仍對屠殺視若無睹，不但是她個人的無恥卑劣，更是對諾貝爾和平獎的侮辱、否定與背叛。中國和平獎得主劉曉波熬過酷刑，沒對暴政低頭，至死沒背叛自己、沒背叛諾貝爾獎，對比之下，翁山蘇姬讓人失望、鄙視並留下歷史性罵名。
翁山蘇姬去年出任國務資政，被視為實質掌權者，軍政府2012年強力鎮壓洛興雅人時，翁山蘇姬未譴責。如今她執政的政府禁止聯合國調查團進入，並指控國際非政府組織援助洛興雅人是「資助恐怖份子」。國際人士已認定翁山蘇姬背叛外界對她的期待。
信奉伊斯蘭教的國家集體譴責緬甸，有人說「種族滅絕正在這裡進行」；聯合國秘書長日前嚴重關切此事，要求阻止「人道主義大災難」。車臣總理也指出緬甸進行的是「種族屠殺」。
咦，該國不是有個鼎鼎大名的諾貝爾和平獎得主翁山蘇姬？為什麼沒聽到她發出正義之聲？同為和平獎得主的馬拉拉前天在推特譴責緬甸殘害其他族裔是「悲慘可恥的對待」，她說：「我仍等待同為諾貝爾獎得主的翁山蘇姬也能這麼做（呼籲國際力量介入阻止種族滅絕）。」如果翁山蘇姬仍對屠殺視若無睹，不但是她個人的無恥卑劣，更是對諾貝爾和平獎的侮辱、否定與背叛。中國和平獎得主劉曉波熬過酷刑，沒對暴政低頭，至死沒背叛自己、沒背叛諾貝爾獎，對比之下，翁山蘇姬讓人失望、鄙視並留下歷史性罵名。
翁山蘇姬去年出任國務資政，被視為實質掌權者，軍政府2012年強力鎮壓洛興雅人時，翁山蘇姬未譴責。如今她執政的政府禁止聯合國調查團進入，並指控國際非政府組織援助洛興雅人是「資助恐怖份子」。國際人士已認定翁山蘇姬背叛外界對她的期待。
不敢抗爭欺世盜名
她若無力對抗軍政府，應先使用職務權力說服、阻擋種族清洗；若無效，再公開譴責軍事強權的違法、迫害人權，然後辭職，留下歷史美名。
可惜翁山蘇姬沒有勇氣，以致神話破滅，以前種種不過是欺世盜名罷了。
可惜翁山蘇姬沒有勇氣，以致神話破滅，以前種種不過是欺世盜名罷了。
---2017.2.17
昂山素季的“司機”當選緬甸新總統
正如諾貝爾和平獎獲得者昂山素季所願，緬甸議會選出其心腹吳廷覺擔任該國新總統。但是在新政府裡，還是昂山素季說了算。
（德國之聲中文網）吳廷覺（Htin Kyaw）沒有昂山素季那樣的領袖風範。今年69歲的吳廷覺雖然比嬌小的昂山素季高出整整一個頭，但其身邊的親信如出一轍地表示：他更願意在幕後效力。正是這一點使其成為昂山素季的總統不二人選。
"高於"總統
昂山素季其實想親自擔任國家領導人，但是卻受限於軍方制定的憲法規定--禁止配偶或子女是外國籍者參選總統，因為她的兩個兒子持英國護照。而今年70歲的昂山素季在選戰時就已宣布，自己的地位將"高於"未來的總統，由此執掌國家大政。
因為昂山素季的全國民主聯盟（NLD）在議會裡佔據絕大多數席位，所以在表決前吳廷覺已勝算在握。同樣由民盟提名的欽族議員亨利班提育（Henry Van Thio）和軍方提名的強硬派人物明穗（Myint Swe）當選副總統。
緬甸現任總統吳登盛任期即將結束
去年舉行的緬甸大選中，民盟贏得議會競選議席的五分之四席位。緬甸現任總統吳登盛任期將於3月31日結束，屆時將成立新的政府。由此，緬甸長達數十年的軍政府統治也將結束。
"司機"兼校友
經濟學家吳廷覺是緬甸知名詩人敏杜溫(Min Thu Wun)的兒子，此前常被人稱作昂山素季的"司機"，因為他經常開車送她去不同的場合。吳廷覺和昂山素季一樣曾就讀於牛津大學，於1972年畢業。昂山素季長年被軟禁期間，吳廷覺是少數幾個可以拜訪她的人。當時，他經常扮演她和國外代表之間的中間人角色。一名外交官如此評價他："他在緬甸可能不是太有名，但是他知道如何在國際舞台上行事。"
吳廷覺還掌管著2012年成立的、以昂山素季母親命名的慈善機構"金姬基金會"（Daw Khin Kyi Foundation），該基金會致力於資助窮人接受學校和職業教育，以及推廣移動圖書館。
異見人士變身政客，昂山素季光環褪色
報道 2013年03月12日
緬甸仰光——昂山素季(Aung San Suu Kyi)經受了多年軟禁，在其政治運動遭到破壞、盟友受盡折磨之時，仍然保持着堅定的信念。然而現在，作為緬甸議會反對派領袖及諾貝爾和平獎得主的她，卻在試圖取悅曾經關押過她的人。
緬甸正在清除50年殘暴軍事獨裁統治的遺毒，此時昂山素季也開始和軍方跳起了政治舞步。由人權鬥士搖身一變成為政治家的昂山素季，正在努力避免她組織混亂、難以駕馭的政黨變得無關緊要。她也在努力使自己通往總統之位的道路保持暢通。
在昂山素季的批評人士看來，她的妥協損害了她近乎聖人的形象。
她一直對軍方血腥鎮壓少數民族武裝組織的行為保持沉默，最近甚至還說她“非常喜歡”軍隊，這讓一些對她極為忠誠的黨員感到不快。
她的這番評價涉及軍方在把緬甸從殖民統治中解放出來時所發揮的作用。但當前，軍方正在實施空襲，猛烈打擊反對派武裝，選擇在這個時機說這種話，惹怒了忍受了數十年軍政府統治的支持者。
“對外界來說，她真的沒什麼改變；她是昂山素季，仍然代表着與這個身份相關的一切美好事物，”羅格斯大學(Rutgers University) 的緬甸政治專家、名譽退休教授約瑟夫·西爾弗斯坦(Josef Silverstein)說。但是“她實際上是在讓自己疏離人民。昂山素季所說的話根本不像她自己”。
對於這個長年被族群衝突搞得對立嚴重的貧窮國度，從異見人士到政治人物的轉變絕不會簡單。南非的納爾遜·曼德拉(Nelson Mandela)及少數幾個人成功地從偶像轉變為領導人，但同樣的道路在緬甸卻十分坎坷。緬甸於1948年曾爆發內戰，其餘波仍以民族武裝衝突的形式繼續 着；為此，該國軍方執掌了過大的權力，而且這種情況仍然沒有改變。
緬甸國內對昂山素季的崇敬之情恐怕難以盡述。她為祖國的犧牲堪稱傳奇：當丈夫在國外病危時，她因為擔心一旦離開，軟禁她的軍方領袖就會禁止她回到自己水深火熱的祖國，因而選擇了留在緬甸。她在監禁時期的優雅姿態為她贏得了1991年的諾貝爾和平獎。去年軍隊將領決定開始向民主制度過渡後，她才終於得以正式領取這一獎項。
然而，人們對昂山素季的讚譽為她設定了一個極高的標準，而她的地位也讓其政黨的黨員不敢反對她的意見。連黨員都說，緬甸全國民主聯盟(National League for Democracy)是一盤散沙，出現了中層“領導真空”等一系列問題。該黨於上周末舉行了首次全國代表大會。
“沒人敢在昂山素季面前暢所欲言，這種情況非常糟糕，”資深黨員溫丁(Win Tin)說。“不是因為害怕，而是出於敬仰。”
支持者指出，昂山素季與統治緬甸的前軍隊將領結盟的做法是經過深思熟慮的。緬甸的政治現狀是，軍方仍然重權在握。軍方及由軍方組成的執政黨，共同掌控着議會的絕大多數席位，而且軍方還保留着廣泛的商業利益。
“我不喜歡軍隊，”曾是一名政治犯的黨代會代表基溫(Kyi Win)說。“但是為了緬甸的未來，我們不得不與他們合作。如果沒有軍方參與，我們就無法獲得民主。”
緬甸的轉變是高度個人化的，依賴於掌管國家的前將領登盛（Thein Sein，又譯吳登盛）與昂山素季之間良好的工作關係。
喬治城大學(Georgetown University)緬甸問題專家戴維·斯坦伯格(David Steinberg)稱，“我認為需要承認她是一股穩定力量，一個原意為了大眾的利益，將過去的對手當做合作夥伴的人。”
與軍方合作不僅僅是出於政治考量，也是她血液中的一部分。在她兩歲時，她的父親昂山遇刺身亡。昂山正是現代緬甸軍隊的創始人。
昂山素季對她當前與軍方的關係進行了辯護，稱她希望追求“談判妥協”，而報復卻對國家沒有好處。相反，她主張“修復性正義”(restorative justice)，即解決困擾國家的問題，而不是對過去的罪行施以懲罰。
少數民族代表稱，這不應該妨礙昂山素季更積極地推動實現國家的團結。他們批評昂山素季拒絕投入哪怕一部分政治資本，來幫助解決克欽(Kachin) 反對派武裝與政府軍的衝突，儘管衝突已經在去年12月和今年1月造成了尤為嚴重的傷亡。昂山素季1月表示，這並不是她所在的議會委員會的職責範圍。
一些對她批評最尖銳的人說，她拒絕與軍方對抗，完全是出於政治原因和擔任更大官職的野心。代表緬甸少數民族發聲的主要人物波佐贊(Po Zo Zam)稱：“她只想當緬甸總統。”他提到緬甸時，使用的是許多反對派人士傾向的“Burma”一詞。“她以前是國家的英雄，現在卻只是為自己的政黨說 話。”
黨內官員承認，昂山素季需要軍方的支持來更改憲法中的一項條款。該項條款禁止配偶為外國人的緬甸人擔任總統，而昂山素季的丈夫是英國人。
今年67歲的昂山素季最近表示，她會考慮擔任總統職務，“如果人民希望的話”。許多人認為定於2015年舉行的下一次選舉，是她最後一次參選的機會。
分析人士中似乎存在共識，認為昂山素季獲勝的機會很大。在少數民族地區之外，她仍然很受歡迎，民眾的態度近乎愛戴。
然而在解釋對軍方的新態度時，一些黨內官員明顯地表現出了不安。
“風險真的很大，”來自緬甸中部的黨內高層官員孟尼瓦昂欣(Monywa Aung Shin)表示，“無論是民眾和黨員，都對她的策略提出了很多疑問。”
孟尼瓦昂欣說，他大體上同意一些人的看法，即該黨“別無選擇”只能與軍方尋求妥協。然而在軍政府時期，他曾在獄中服刑12年，談及“新策略”，他總會一臉痛苦。他說，他只有“75%的把握”認為這是前進的最佳方向。
昂山素季當前的處境是，在遭受多年迫害後，她的政黨已經亂作一團。孟尼瓦昂欣稱，該黨已經成了一個“笑柄”。
該黨缺乏有才能的管理人員，因為內鬥和派系紛爭而四分五裂，而且財政拮据。
近幾個月，該黨從軍政府時期被稱為“狐朋狗友”的顯赫商人手中，籌集到了用於慈善事業的資金。那些商人當時幫助執行軍政府的項目，從而換取回報。這一舉動引起了擔憂，部分原因在於昂山素季經常提到，投資要負責任。
然而黨內官員表示，他們已經走投無路。
“眼下，”基溫說，“無論誰的幫助我們都得接受。”
緬甸正在清除50年殘暴軍事獨裁統治的遺毒，此時昂山素季也開始和軍方跳起了政治舞步。由人權鬥士搖身一變成為政治家的昂山素季，正在努力避免她組織混亂、難以駕馭的政黨變得無關緊要。她也在努力使自己通往總統之位的道路保持暢通。
她一直對軍方血腥鎮壓少數民族武裝組織的行為保持沉默，最近甚至還說她“非常喜歡”軍隊，這讓一些對她極為忠誠的黨員感到不快。
她的這番評價涉及軍方在把緬甸從殖民統治中解放出來時所發揮的作用。但當前，軍方正在實施空襲，猛烈打擊反對派武裝，選擇在這個時機說這種話，惹怒了忍受了數十年軍政府統治的支持者。
“對外界來說，她真的沒什麼改變；她是昂山素季，仍然代表着與這個身份相關的一切美好事物，”羅格斯大學(Rutgers University) 的緬甸政治專家、名譽退休教授約瑟夫·西爾弗斯坦(Josef Silverstein)說。但是“她實際上是在讓自己疏離人民。昂山素季所說的話根本不像她自己”。
對於這個長年被族群衝突搞得對立嚴重的貧窮國度，從異見人士到政治人物的轉變絕不會簡單。南非的納爾遜·曼德拉(Nelson Mandela)及少數幾個人成功地從偶像轉變為領導人，但同樣的道路在緬甸卻十分坎坷。緬甸於1948年曾爆發內戰，其餘波仍以民族武裝衝突的形式繼續 着；為此，該國軍方執掌了過大的權力，而且這種情況仍然沒有改變。
緬甸國內對昂山素季的崇敬之情恐怕難以盡述。她為祖國的犧牲堪稱傳奇：當丈夫在國外病危時，她因為擔心一旦離開，軟禁她的軍方領袖就會禁止她回到自己水深火熱的祖國，因而選擇了留在緬甸。她在監禁時期的優雅姿態為她贏得了1991年的諾貝爾和平獎。去年軍隊將領決定開始向民主制度過渡後，她才終於得以正式領取這一獎項。
然而，人們對昂山素季的讚譽為她設定了一個極高的標準，而她的地位也讓其政黨的黨員不敢反對她的意見。連黨員都說，緬甸全國民主聯盟(National League for Democracy)是一盤散沙，出現了中層“領導真空”等一系列問題。該黨於上周末舉行了首次全國代表大會。
“沒人敢在昂山素季面前暢所欲言，這種情況非常糟糕，”資深黨員溫丁(Win Tin)說。“不是因為害怕，而是出於敬仰。”
支持者指出，昂山素季與統治緬甸的前軍隊將領結盟的做法是經過深思熟慮的。緬甸的政治現狀是，軍方仍然重權在握。軍方及由軍方組成的執政黨，共同掌控着議會的絕大多數席位，而且軍方還保留着廣泛的商業利益。
“我不喜歡軍隊，”曾是一名政治犯的黨代會代表基溫(Kyi Win)說。“但是為了緬甸的未來，我們不得不與他們合作。如果沒有軍方參與，我們就無法獲得民主。”
緬甸的轉變是高度個人化的，依賴於掌管國家的前將領登盛（Thein Sein，又譯吳登盛）與昂山素季之間良好的工作關係。
喬治城大學(Georgetown University)緬甸問題專家戴維·斯坦伯格(David Steinberg)稱，“我認為需要承認她是一股穩定力量，一個原意為了大眾的利益，將過去的對手當做合作夥伴的人。”
與軍方合作不僅僅是出於政治考量，也是她血液中的一部分。在她兩歲時，她的父親昂山遇刺身亡。昂山正是現代緬甸軍隊的創始人。
昂山素季對她當前與軍方的關係進行了辯護，稱她希望追求“談判妥協”，而報復卻對國家沒有好處。相反，她主張“修復性正義”(restorative justice)，即解決困擾國家的問題，而不是對過去的罪行施以懲罰。
少數民族代表稱，這不應該妨礙昂山素季更積極地推動實現國家的團結。他們批評昂山素季拒絕投入哪怕一部分政治資本，來幫助解決克欽(Kachin) 反對派武裝與政府軍的衝突，儘管衝突已經在去年12月和今年1月造成了尤為嚴重的傷亡。昂山素季1月表示，這並不是她所在的議會委員會的職責範圍。
一些對她批評最尖銳的人說，她拒絕與軍方對抗，完全是出於政治原因和擔任更大官職的野心。代表緬甸少數民族發聲的主要人物波佐贊(Po Zo Zam)稱：“她只想當緬甸總統。”他提到緬甸時，使用的是許多反對派人士傾向的“Burma”一詞。“她以前是國家的英雄，現在卻只是為自己的政黨說 話。”
黨內官員承認，昂山素季需要軍方的支持來更改憲法中的一項條款。該項條款禁止配偶為外國人的緬甸人擔任總統，而昂山素季的丈夫是英國人。
今年67歲的昂山素季最近表示，她會考慮擔任總統職務，“如果人民希望的話”。許多人認為定於2015年舉行的下一次選舉，是她最後一次參選的機會。
分析人士中似乎存在共識，認為昂山素季獲勝的機會很大。在少數民族地區之外，她仍然很受歡迎，民眾的態度近乎愛戴。
然而在解釋對軍方的新態度時，一些黨內官員明顯地表現出了不安。
“風險真的很大，”來自緬甸中部的黨內高層官員孟尼瓦昂欣(Monywa Aung Shin)表示，“無論是民眾和黨員，都對她的策略提出了很多疑問。”
孟尼瓦昂欣說，他大體上同意一些人的看法，即該黨“別無選擇”只能與軍方尋求妥協。然而在軍政府時期，他曾在獄中服刑12年，談及“新策略”，他總會一臉痛苦。他說，他只有“75%的把握”認為這是前進的最佳方向。
昂山素季當前的處境是，在遭受多年迫害後，她的政黨已經亂作一團。孟尼瓦昂欣稱，該黨已經成了一個“笑柄”。
該黨缺乏有才能的管理人員，因為內鬥和派系紛爭而四分五裂，而且財政拮据。
近幾個月，該黨從軍政府時期被稱為“狐朋狗友”的顯赫商人手中，籌集到了用於慈善事業的資金。那些商人當時幫助執行軍政府的項目，從而換取回報。這一舉動引起了擔憂，部分原因在於昂山素季經常提到，投資要負責任。
然而黨內官員表示，他們已經走投無路。
“眼下，”基溫說，“無論誰的幫助我們都得接受。”
In Public Eye, Shining Star of Myanmar Loses Luster
March 12, 2013
YANGON, Myanmar — She endured years of house arrest and was steadfast as her political movement was decimated and her colleagues were tortured. But now, as the leader of Myanmar’s opposition in Parliament, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, the Nobel Peace laureate, is courting her former jailers.With Myanmar sloughing off the legacy of five decades of brutal military dictatorship, the country is witnessing a political minuet between the army and Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi, the human rights champion turned politician who is fighting to keep her disorganized and fractious political party relevant — and her path to the presidency open.
To her critics, Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi’s compromises are tarnishing her status as a near saint.
She has been quiet about the military’s bloody campaign against an armed ethnic minority group and recently went so far as to say she was “very fond” of the military, rattling some of her extremely loyal party members.
The remarks were tied to the army’s role in liberating the country from colonial rule, but the timing, coming as the military was pounding the rebels with airstrikes, rankled supporters who were under military rule for decades.
“To the outside world, nothing has really changed with her; she is Suu Kyi and all the beautiful things that go with it,” said Josef Silverstein, an expert in Burmese politics and professor emeritus at Rutgers. But “she is essentially making herself irrelevant. We have not heard Suu Kyi talk as Suu Kyi.”
Making the transition from dissident to politician was never going to be easy in an impoverished country perennially divided by ethnic conflict. The path from icon to leader, successfully navigated by Nelson Mandela of South Africa and few others, is fraught in a country like Myanmar, which fought a civil war in 1948 that lives on in ethnic insurgencies and allowed the military an outsize role that still continues.
The reverence for Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi inside Myanmar is difficult to overstate. Her sacrifices for her country are legend: she chose to stay in Myanmar even as her husband was dying abroad, fearing the military leaders who kept her under arrest would not allow her to return to her struggling nation. Her grace under duress helped win her the Nobel Peace Prize in 1991, which she was only able to pick up last year after the generals decided to begin a shift to democracy.
But the adulation for her has set a particularly high standard, and her stature has intimidated members of her party from challenging her views. Even party members say their National League for Democracy is in disarray — suffering from an array of problems including what one called a “leadership vacuum” in the middle ranks. The party is holding its first-ever national congress this weekend.
“Nobody dares to speak out in front of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, and that is a very bad thing,” said U Win Tin, a senior party member. “It’s not out of fear; it’s out of admiration.”
Supporters note that Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi is making a careful calculation in allying with the former generals who run the country. The political reality is that the military still wields enormous power. The military and the ruling party formed by the military together control the vast majority of seats in Parliament, and the military retains extensive business interests.
“I don’t like the army,” said U Kyi Win, a former political prisoner who is now a delegate at the party congress. “But for the future of our country, we have to work with them. We cannot have democracy without the involvement of the military.”
The changes in the country have been highly personalized, dependent on a good working relationship between the former general who runs the country, U Thein Sein, and Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi.
“I think she needs to be credited as a stabilizing force and as someone willing to view former adversaries as partners for the common good,” said David Steinberg, an expert on Myanmar at Georgetown University.
Working with the military is more than a political calculus; it is also in her blood. Her father, Aung San, who was assassinated when she was 2 years old, was the founder of the modern Burmese Army.
Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi defends her current relationship with the military, saying that she wants to pursue “negotiated compromise” and that retribution will not serve the country well. She argues instead for “restorative justice” — addressing what ails the country instead of meting out punishment for the sins of the past.
But representatives of minority groups say that should not preclude her being more active in trying to achieve national unity. They have criticized her for refusing to spend at least some political capital to help solve the conflict between Kachin rebels and the Myanmar Army, even as it grew particularly bloody in December and January. Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi said in January it was not the purview of her committee in Parliament.
Some of her harshest critics say her refusal to take on the military establishment is all about politics, and her ambitions for higher office. “She’s only thinking about becoming president of Burma,” said Pu Zo Zam, a leading voice of the country’s minority groups, using the name for the country preferred by many in the opposition. “She was a national hero for us. Now she’s only talking on behalf of her party.”
Party officials acknowledge that Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi needs the army’s support to change a rule in the Constitution that bars anyone with a foreign spouse from becoming president. Her husband was British.
Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi, 67, said recently that she would be open to the job of the presidency “if that is what the people want.” Many see the next elections, scheduled for 2015, as the last chance for her to run.
There appears to be consensus among analysts that she would have a very strong chance of winning: outside ethnic minority areas, her popularity still verges on adoration.
But some party officials are visibly uneasy when explaining the new approach to the military.
“It’s truly very risky,” said U Monywa Aung Shin, a top party official from central Myanmar. “The people and party members are asking many questions about her strategy.”
Mr. Monywa Aung Shin said he mostly agrees with those who say the party has “no choice” but to seek accommodations with the army. But he spent 12 years in prison under military rule and winces when he talks about the “new strategy.” He said he was only “75 percent sure” that it was the best way forward.
The context for Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi today is that after years of persecution, her party is in disarray. Mr. Monywa Aung Shin called it a “laughingstock.”
The party lacks talented managers, is rived by infighting and factionalism, and is nearly broke.
In recent months, the party has raised money for charitable causes from prominent businessmen who during the years of military rule were known as “cronies” because they helped implement the junta’s projects in return for favors. The move raised concerns in part because Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi often talks about responsible investment.
But party officials say they are desperate.
“For the time being,” Mr. Kyi Win said, “we need to accept help from anyone.”
Wai Moe contributed reporting.
****
2012.7.16 約19:00 轉台 BBC 聽到 Aung San Suu Kyi 全程受講演說
"世間良心犯一個都嫌多" 全體鼓掌.....
The Nobel Peace Prize 1991
Aung San Suu Kyi
Aung San Suu Kyi
The Nobel Peace Prize 1991 was awarded to Aung San Suu Kyi "for her non-violent struggle for democracy and human rights".
Photos: Copyright © The Nobel Foundation
TO CITE THIS PAGE:
MLA style: "The Nobel Peace Prize 1991". Nobelprize.org. 16 Jun 2012 http://www.nobelprize.org/nobel_prizes/peace/laureates/1991/
緬甸民主派領袖翁山蘇姬(Aung San Suu Kyi)1991年榮獲諾貝爾和平獎，相隔21年後，今天(16日)終於到挪威奧斯陸親自出席頒獎典禮。如往常一樣，頭上別著白色玫瑰、圍上紫色絲巾、穿 著傳統紗籠的翁山蘇姬走進奧斯陸市政廳會場時，受到觀禮人士起立鼓掌熱烈歡迎。
翁山蘇姬表示，終於能夠親自領取和平獎，她對民主和人權的關切，得以超越國界。她又說，和平獎也開啟她的心扉。
翁山蘇姬致詞時誓言，繼續為緬甸的民主改革奮鬥，並致力於全國和解。她說，她和她領導的全國民主聯盟(National League for Democracy, NLD)，在和解過程中願意且已準備好扮演任何角色。
她又說，在總統添盛(Thein Sein)主導下，緬甸由軍事統治轉型到民主的過程中，她鼓勵「審慎樂觀」的態度。她指出，她提倡審慎樂觀並非對未來沒信心，而是不願鼓勵盲目的信心。
翁山蘇姬榮獲1991年諾貝爾和平獎，但是始終無法出席親自領獎；她擔心一旦離開緬甸，將再也無法返國。當年是由她的英國丈夫與兩名兒子代表她領獎。即使她的丈夫在1999年去世，她也因為同樣的理由沒有前往英國見丈夫最後一面。
Ms Aung San Suu Kyi spent much of the past 24 years under house arrest in Burma. She was freed in late 2010.
She did not travel to collect the prize fearing she would not be allowed back.
Her visit to Oslo is part of a tour of Europe, her first since 1988, which she began in Geneva, at the UN's International Labour Organisation.
On Saturday, Suu Kyi will meet members of the Burmese community who are exiled and now live in Norway.
Open door Opening the ceremony in Oslo, the chairman of the Norwegian Nobel Committee, Thorbjorn Jagland, said:
Mr Jagland described her as "a precious gift to the world community".
In her Nobel lecture, Ms Suu Kyi said she heard she had received the prize on the radio and it had felt "unreal".
But at the same time, it had "opened a door in my heart".
"Often during my days of house arrest it felt as though I were no longer a part of the real world," she said.
Winning the Nobel Peace Prize "made me real once again. It had drawn me back into the wider human community".
And she added, the Nobel Peace Prize drew the attention of the world to the struggle for democracy and human rights in Burma.
"We were not going to be forgotten."
And she urged the unconditional release of all political prisoners, saying "one prisoner of conscience is one too many".
Aung San Suu Kyi referred to Burma's ethnic conflicts and ended by saying that receiving the Nobel Peace Prize had strengthened her faith to work for peace.
The two-week-long trip - seen as another milestone for Burma's political progress - includes visits to the UK, Switzerland, Ireland, France and Norway.
It is her second recent overseas trip, after visiting Thailand in May.
Her decision to travel is seen as a sign of confidence in the government of President Thein Sein, who has pursued a course of reform since coming to power last year, in Burma's first elections in 20 years.
Ms Aung San Suu Kyi is the daughter of Burmese independence leader Aung San, who was assassinated in 1947.
She became the leader of Burma's pro-democracy movement when, after living abroad for many years, she returned to Burma in 1988, initially to look after her sick mother.
She never left the country, fearing its military rulers would not allow her to return and was unable to receive her Nobel Peace Prize in person, or be with her British husband, Michael Aris, when he died in 1999.
***
MLA style: "The Nobel Peace Prize 1991". Nobelprize.org. 16 Jun 2012 http://www.nobelprize.org/nobel_prizes/peace/laureates/1991/
緬甸民主派領袖翁山蘇姬(Aung San Suu Kyi)1991年榮獲諾貝爾和平獎，相隔21年後，今天(16日)終於到挪威奧斯陸親自出席頒獎典禮。如往常一樣，頭上別著白色玫瑰、圍上紫色絲巾、穿 著傳統紗籠的翁山蘇姬走進奧斯陸市政廳會場時，受到觀禮人士起立鼓掌熱烈歡迎。
翁山蘇姬表示，終於能夠親自領取和平獎，她對民主和人權的關切，得以超越國界。她又說，和平獎也開啟她的心扉。
翁山蘇姬致詞時誓言，繼續為緬甸的民主改革奮鬥，並致力於全國和解。她說，她和她領導的全國民主聯盟(National League for Democracy, NLD)，在和解過程中願意且已準備好扮演任何角色。
她又說，在總統添盛(Thein Sein)主導下，緬甸由軍事統治轉型到民主的過程中，她鼓勵「審慎樂觀」的態度。她指出，她提倡審慎樂觀並非對未來沒信心，而是不願鼓勵盲目的信心。
翁山蘇姬榮獲1991年諾貝爾和平獎，但是始終無法出席親自領獎；她擔心一旦離開緬甸，將再也無法返國。當年是由她的英國丈夫與兩名兒子代表她領獎。即使她的丈夫在1999年去世，她也因為同樣的理由沒有前往英國見丈夫最後一面。
Suu Kyi says Nobel award meant Burma was not forgotten
Aung San Suu Kyi: "The Nobel Peace Prize drew me once again into the world of other beings outside my isolation"
Burma's
pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi has said receiving the Nobel
Peace Prize in 1991 had made her feel "real again" and reassured her
that Burma's plight had not been forgotten.
Speaking in the Norwegian capital, Oslo, she said Western support had contributed to changes in Burma.Ms Aung San Suu Kyi spent much of the past 24 years under house arrest in Burma. She was freed in late 2010.
She did not travel to collect the prize fearing she would not be allowed back.
Her visit to Oslo is part of a tour of Europe, her first since 1988, which she began in Geneva, at the UN's International Labour Organisation.
On Saturday, Suu Kyi will meet members of the Burmese community who are exiled and now live in Norway.
Open door Opening the ceremony in Oslo, the chairman of the Norwegian Nobel Committee, Thorbjorn Jagland, said:
Continue reading the main story
“Start Quote
Thorbjorn Jagland Chairman of the Norwegian Nobel CommitteeIn your isolation you have become a moral voice for the whole world”
"Dear Aung San Suu Kyi, we have
been waiting for you for a very long time. However we are well aware
that your wait has been infinitely trying for you and one entirely of a
different nature from ours.
"In your isolation you have become a moral voice for the whole world."Mr Jagland described her as "a precious gift to the world community".
In her Nobel lecture, Ms Suu Kyi said she heard she had received the prize on the radio and it had felt "unreal".
But at the same time, it had "opened a door in my heart".
"Often during my days of house arrest it felt as though I were no longer a part of the real world," she said.
Winning the Nobel Peace Prize "made me real once again. It had drawn me back into the wider human community".
And she added, the Nobel Peace Prize drew the attention of the world to the struggle for democracy and human rights in Burma.
"We were not going to be forgotten."
Continue reading the main story
Aung San Suu Kyi's European tour
- 14 June: Addresses UN's International Labour Organisation in Geneva, Switzerland
- 15-18 June: Visits Norway where she delivers a Nobel lecture, 21 years after receiving Nobel Peace Prize
- 18 June: Arrives in Dublin, Ireland, and attends a concert in her honour. Later travels to the UK
- 18-25 June: Receives honorary doctorate in civil law by Oxford University and addresses both Houses of Parliament in London
- 25 June: Arrives in Paris
She described recent reforms in Burma as positive but warned against blind faith.
"My party, the National League for Democracy, and I stand
ready and willing to play any role in the process of national
reconciliation," she said.And she urged the unconditional release of all political prisoners, saying "one prisoner of conscience is one too many".
Aung San Suu Kyi referred to Burma's ethnic conflicts and ended by saying that receiving the Nobel Peace Prize had strengthened her faith to work for peace.
The two-week-long trip - seen as another milestone for Burma's political progress - includes visits to the UK, Switzerland, Ireland, France and Norway.
It is her second recent overseas trip, after visiting Thailand in May.
Her decision to travel is seen as a sign of confidence in the government of President Thein Sein, who has pursued a course of reform since coming to power last year, in Burma's first elections in 20 years.
Ms Aung San Suu Kyi is the daughter of Burmese independence leader Aung San, who was assassinated in 1947.
She became the leader of Burma's pro-democracy movement when, after living abroad for many years, she returned to Burma in 1988, initially to look after her sick mother.
She never left the country, fearing its military rulers would not allow her to return and was unable to receive her Nobel Peace Prize in person, or be with her British husband, Michael Aris, when he died in 1999.
***
Aung San Suu Kyi: Nobel prize restored sense of reality
Burma's pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi has said
receiving the Nobel Peace Prize in 1991 made her feel "real again" and
reassured her that Burma's plight had not been forgotten.
Speaking in the Norwegian capital, Oslo, she said Western support had contributed to changes in Burma.
Ms Aung San Suu Kyi spent much of the past 24 years under house arrest in Burma. She was freed in late 2010.
She did not leave the country until now, fearing its military rulers would not allow her to return, and was unable to receive her Nobel Peace Prize in person, or be with her British husband, Michael Aris, when he died in 1999.
Delivering her acceptance speech 21 years after being awarded the prize, she asked her audience to rememebr prisoners of conscience, saying "please remember them and do whatever is possible to effect their earliest, unconditional release."
Speaking in the Norwegian capital, Oslo, she said Western support had contributed to changes in Burma.
Ms Aung San Suu Kyi spent much of the past 24 years under house arrest in Burma. She was freed in late 2010.
She did not leave the country until now, fearing its military rulers would not allow her to return, and was unable to receive her Nobel Peace Prize in person, or be with her British husband, Michael Aris, when he died in 1999.
Delivering her acceptance speech 21 years after being awarded the prize, she asked her audience to rememebr prisoners of conscience, saying "please remember them and do whatever is possible to effect their earliest, unconditional release."
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緬甸民主領袖翁山蘇姬(Aung San Suu Kyi)，今天終於能夠在挪威奧斯陸發表「遲到了21年」的得獎演說，台下人士全場起立為她鼓掌超過1分鐘。翁山蘇姬表示，獲得《諾貝爾和平獎》，對當時被囚禁的她是1種鼓舞，帶她重回現實。
翁 山蘇姬在1991年獲頒《諾貝爾和平獎》，但她當時被緬甸軍政府囚禁，只能由她的亡夫及兒子代為領獎。21年後，她終於親自來到挪威發表得獎演說，演說前 台下觀眾起立鼓掌超過1分鐘。她說，獲獎讓她尋回自己，明白自己並未被遺忘，也提醒了全世界來關注緬甸人民，如何掙扎去爭取民主及人權。
她承認不可能達到絕對的和平，但希望各國衷誠合作，堅定不移去追求和平。
翁 山蘇姬在1991年獲頒《諾貝爾和平獎》，但她當時被緬甸軍政府囚禁，只能由她的亡夫及兒子代為領獎。21年後，她終於親自來到挪威發表得獎演說，演說前 台下觀眾起立鼓掌超過1分鐘。她說，獲獎讓她尋回自己，明白自己並未被遺忘，也提醒了全世界來關注緬甸人民，如何掙扎去爭取民主及人權。
她承認不可能達到絕對的和平，但希望各國衷誠合作，堅定不移去追求和平。
翁山蘇姬終於親自在挪威領取21年前的《諾貝爾和平獎》。美聯社
天下release 2010年的
翁山蘇姬：我始終都認為我是自由的
From Geneva Suu Kyi calls for investment in Myanmar
スーチー氏「平和めざす旅を」訴え ノーベル賞受賞演説
  １６日、ノーベル平和賞の受賞演説に立つアウンサンスーチー氏＝ＡＰ |
  １６日、ノーベル平和賞の受賞演説にのぞむアウンサンスーチー氏＝ＡＰ |
ミャンマーの民主化運動指導者のアウンサンスーチー氏（６６）が１６日、ノルウェーの首都オスロで、１９９１年にうけたノーベル平和賞の受賞演説にのぞ
んだ。「完全な世界平和の実現は到達できない目標だ。でも、私たちは星に導かれる砂漠の旅人のように、平和を目指して旅を続けなければならない」と訴え
た。
スーチー氏はミャンマーの状況を「前向きな変化が起き、民主化に向けたステップが取られている」と説明した上で、貧困や飢餓、民族対立がなお日常的だと 指摘。「釈放されていない無名の囚人（政治犯）がたくさんいる」として、早期の釈放に向けて政権に圧力をかけるよう呼びかけた。自身や自ら党首を務める国 民民主連盟（ＮＬＤ）については「国民和解のためにどんな役割でも果たす用意がある」と話した。
また、平和賞が「ビルマ（ミャンマー）の民主化運動に世界の関心をひきつけた」と謝意を示し、世界平和を実現するための努力が「個人や民族を信頼と友情で結びつけ、我々の社会をより安全で優しいものにする」と訴えた。
スーチー氏はミャンマーの状況を「前向きな変化が起き、民主化に向けたステップが取られている」と説明した上で、貧困や飢餓、民族対立がなお日常的だと 指摘。「釈放されていない無名の囚人（政治犯）がたくさんいる」として、早期の釈放に向けて政権に圧力をかけるよう呼びかけた。自身や自ら党首を務める国 民民主連盟（ＮＬＤ）については「国民和解のためにどんな役割でも果たす用意がある」と話した。
また、平和賞が「ビルマ（ミャンマー）の民主化運動に世界の関心をひきつけた」と謝意を示し、世界平和を実現するための努力が「個人や民族を信頼と友情で結びつけ、我々の社会をより安全で優しいものにする」と訴えた。
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天下release 2010年的
翁山蘇姬：我始終都認為我是自由的
緬甸民主領袖翁山蘇姬遠赴歐洲參訪16天。這是她24年來的首次歐洲行，將在途中領取她21年前獲頒的諾貝爾和平獎座。以下是翁山獲釋後，接受德國《明鏡週刊》專訪的內容摘要：
十二月十日，挪威奧斯陸的諾貝爾和平獎頒獎典禮，頒獎台上擺放的空椅子，象徵著劉曉波的缺席。
而十九年前，另一位在囚禁中獲得和平獎的民主鬥士翁山蘇姬，同樣也無法親自領獎。
「我知道母親一定會說，這個獎不屬於她，而是屬於每個為了追求緬甸的民主，至今仍持續犧牲幸福、自由、甚至性命的男女，」當年代替她出席的長子亞歷山大發表得獎致詞，說出了母親的心聲。
過去二十一年，翁山蘇姬有十五年的時間，不是坐牢就是被軟禁。英國籍丈夫病危，她沒有機會見最後一面，更有十多年看不到兩個兒子。種種磨難，讓她成為全世界最著名的政治犯之一。為了聲援翁山，愛爾蘭搖滾天團Ｕ２還特別寫了一首歌「Walk On」獻給她。
今年十一月十三日，緬甸大選結束沒幾天，軍政府終於簽下了她的釋放令。重獲自由的翁山蘇姬，立刻成為全球焦點，不但國際媒體蜂擁而至，就連諾貝爾委員會也希望她能訪問挪威，親自發表遲來的得獎演說。
纖細而優雅，博學又幽默，六十五歲的翁山深具領袖魅力。她深知自己獲釋為緬甸人民帶來的希望與挑戰，「人民信任我，我倍感榮幸，但是單靠個人的力量，無法為國家帶來民主。」
而十九年前，另一位在囚禁中獲得和平獎的民主鬥士翁山蘇姬，同樣也無法親自領獎。
「我知道母親一定會說，這個獎不屬於她，而是屬於每個為了追求緬甸的民主，至今仍持續犧牲幸福、自由、甚至性命的男女，」當年代替她出席的長子亞歷山大發表得獎致詞，說出了母親的心聲。
過去二十一年，翁山蘇姬有十五年的時間，不是坐牢就是被軟禁。英國籍丈夫病危，她沒有機會見最後一面，更有十多年看不到兩個兒子。種種磨難，讓她成為全世界最著名的政治犯之一。為了聲援翁山，愛爾蘭搖滾天團Ｕ２還特別寫了一首歌「Walk On」獻給她。
今年十一月十三日，緬甸大選結束沒幾天，軍政府終於簽下了她的釋放令。重獲自由的翁山蘇姬，立刻成為全球焦點，不但國際媒體蜂擁而至，就連諾貝爾委員會也希望她能訪問挪威，親自發表遲來的得獎演說。
纖細而優雅，博學又幽默，六十五歲的翁山深具領袖魅力。她深知自己獲釋為緬甸人民帶來的希望與挑戰，「人民信任我，我倍感榮幸，但是單靠個人的力量，無法為國家帶來民主。」
Aung San Suu Kyi in Westminster: a historic occasion with lots of Pachelbel
The tradition at these events is to lavish praise on Britain in general and parliament in particular, and she did not disappoint
Aung San Suu Kyi after delivering her speech in Westminster Hall. Photograph: Dominic Lipinski/AFP/Getty Images
Aung San Suu Kyi
spoke to the Lords and Commons on Thursday. It was, we were told
repeatedly, a historic occasion – if not an especially stirring one. Not
being a head of state, she did not rate the line of trumpeters under
the south window. What she did get was 1,400 people who adored her,
including a sprinkling of female celebrities such as Annie Lennox, Jo
Brand, Joanna Lumley and Cherie Blair. No sign of Tony or, come to that,
Jimmy Carr. Or even Dave Lee Travis, whose BBC World Service programme
unaccountably helped her survive the long years of incarceration.
The mood was set by the Iuventus Quartet and Ensemble, who played chamber music before and after the speeches. They gave us Pachelbel's Canon three times. Imagine being under house arrest for two decades, and having to listen to that all the time!
http://www.answers.com/topic/johann-pachelbel
There were scores, if not hundreds, of peers present. Nobody seemed to remark on the irony of someone who has devoted most of their life to a desperate struggle for democracy being welcomed by legislators, most of whom have never had to face the electorate. Indeed, one man wearing a pro-democracy T-shirt was turned away from the event (he had a ticket) because he was improperly dressed.
Suddenly, to long and admiring applause, she was amongst us, a tiny figure in a white shawl – 67 now, and looking frailer and more careworn than the young woman who returned to Burma from Oxford to pursue her father's fight for democracy. John Bercow welcomed her, his voice high and hoarse with enthusiasm. She was, he said, the first non-head of state, the first woman from abroad, and the first citizen of Asia to speak in Westminster Hall. He mentioned her "unimaginable suffering" at being separated from home and family, her dignity, fortitude and resolve that the rest of us can barely conceive.
Then he ran through the horrors of the regime she had opposed – their use of rape as a weapon, child soldiers, human mine sweepers, villages destroyed, and excruciating torture.
"A beautiful but benighted land, where fear runs through society like blood through veins."
He welcomed "the conscience of a country, and a heroine of humanity." The Speaker's recent welcome to the Queen was much criticised, but nobody could fault this.
Then she spoke, her voice firm, her English accent almost perfect, from the years married to an Englishman and living in Oxford. The tradition at these events is to lavish praise on Britain in general and parliament in particular, and she did not disappoint.
She even wanted the Burmese legislature to be more like ours.
"It is rather formal … there is no heckling." She wanted more of the "liveliness and informality of Westminster". This was greeted by a laugh which somehow combined warm amusement with incredulity.
And she pleaded for the western democracies to give all their support to the new Burma – if they didn't succeed this time, it would be several decades more before they had another chance.
Almost the moment it was over, Sarah Brown tweeted a snap of herself meeting Aung San Suu Kyi at the historic event. But for some of us there was an even more stunning sight in the picture: her husband, Gordon, was in there, paying a rare and deeply historic visit to parliament. We trooped out to the sound of prolonged applause and Pachelbel's Canon.
The mood was set by the Iuventus Quartet and Ensemble, who played chamber music before and after the speeches. They gave us Pachelbel's Canon three times. Imagine being under house arrest for two decades, and having to listen to that all the time!
http://www.answers.com/topic/johann-pachelbel
There were scores, if not hundreds, of peers present. Nobody seemed to remark on the irony of someone who has devoted most of their life to a desperate struggle for democracy being welcomed by legislators, most of whom have never had to face the electorate. Indeed, one man wearing a pro-democracy T-shirt was turned away from the event (he had a ticket) because he was improperly dressed.
Suddenly, to long and admiring applause, she was amongst us, a tiny figure in a white shawl – 67 now, and looking frailer and more careworn than the young woman who returned to Burma from Oxford to pursue her father's fight for democracy. John Bercow welcomed her, his voice high and hoarse with enthusiasm. She was, he said, the first non-head of state, the first woman from abroad, and the first citizen of Asia to speak in Westminster Hall. He mentioned her "unimaginable suffering" at being separated from home and family, her dignity, fortitude and resolve that the rest of us can barely conceive.
Then he ran through the horrors of the regime she had opposed – their use of rape as a weapon, child soldiers, human mine sweepers, villages destroyed, and excruciating torture.
"A beautiful but benighted land, where fear runs through society like blood through veins."
He welcomed "the conscience of a country, and a heroine of humanity." The Speaker's recent welcome to the Queen was much criticised, but nobody could fault this.
Then she spoke, her voice firm, her English accent almost perfect, from the years married to an Englishman and living in Oxford. The tradition at these events is to lavish praise on Britain in general and parliament in particular, and she did not disappoint.
She even wanted the Burmese legislature to be more like ours.
"It is rather formal … there is no heckling." She wanted more of the "liveliness and informality of Westminster". This was greeted by a laugh which somehow combined warm amusement with incredulity.
And she pleaded for the western democracies to give all their support to the new Burma – if they didn't succeed this time, it would be several decades more before they had another chance.
Almost the moment it was over, Sarah Brown tweeted a snap of herself meeting Aung San Suu Kyi at the historic event. But for some of us there was an even more stunning sight in the picture: her husband, Gordon, was in there, paying a rare and deeply historic visit to parliament. We trooped out to the sound of prolonged applause and Pachelbel's Canon.
From Geneva Suu Kyi calls for investment in Myanmar
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