2024年12月6日 星期五

查爾斯.達爾文(Charles Darwin,1809-1882), “The Voyage of the Beagle,” 《小獵犬號環球航行記》譯者: 周邦立 修訂: 葉篤莊:八十幾歲再投入內文的大修訂;《小獵犬號航行記》 譯者: 王瑞香 出版社:馬可孛羅,2015; Ahead of His Time, Is Still Influential


Probably all the organic beings which have ever lived on this earth have descended from some one primordial form, into which life was first breathed .... There is grandeur in this view of life . . . that, whilst this planet has gone cycling on according to the fixed law of gravity, from so simple a beginning endless forms most beautiful and most wonderful have been, and are being, evolved.
- Charles Darwin, The Origin of Species, 1859 as quoted in Cosmos by Carl Sagan
可能是 1 人的圖像


也許曾經生活在這個地球上的所有有機生物都是從某種原始形態中演化而來的,生命最初被注入其中……這種生命觀是偉大的。 。 。儘管這個星球按照固定的萬有引力定律循環運轉,但從如此簡單的開始,無數最美麗、最奇妙的形式已經並且正在進化。
- 查爾斯·達爾文,《物種起源》,1859 年,卡爾·薩根在《宇宙》中引用
台灣書市甚寂。

Charles Darwin was born ‪#‎onthisday‬ in 1809, best known for the evolutionary theories published in his groundbreaking ‘On The Origin of Species by Means of Natural Selection’ in 1859, which were to have a profound influence on future scientific theory. This medal was made by the French artist Alphonse Legros. Inspired by what he regarded as Darwin's 'powerful and noble head', Legros sketched his portrait on an envelope during a meeting of the Royal Society. The finished medal was enthusiastically received, the Magazine of Art noting that 'There never was such a head for a medal as Darwin's, and the artist has made the most of it.' http://ow.ly/XG1Ut

內容簡介

  1831年底,達爾文隨英國皇家軍艦小獵犬號出發,展開為時五年的科學考察之旅。他並不知道,日後他影響深遠的學說將奠基於此。

  五年間,他四度橫渡大西洋,走遍南美大陸及其周邊,深入南太平洋,遠赴印度洋。在廣範圍的經緯度的移動中,他親歷了豐富多變的自然與人文狀態:火山、地震、熱帶雨林、化石、海嘯,陌生的民族,迥異的制度;此外,船上的生活,在考察據點的採集與狩獵,他那近乎哲學的生物學思考,物種發生與遞變的軌跡,都一一筆錄在日記之中,大量的文字資料和精緻的繪圖,既是知識的,又是文學的,精確而敏感,不斷逗引我們參與一次虛擬的旅程。

  由於達爾文所開啟的視野,讓人與神的界限再度泯滅,他和小獵犬號帶領我們前往的,是新世界同時也是舊世界─人類的失樂園。我們像亞當、夏娃一樣,眼前的每一個景象,都是那樣新奇;每一樣事物都等待命名......

作者簡介

查爾斯.達爾文(Charles Darwin,1809-1882)

  英國博物學家,進化論的奠基人。他從小即熱衷於蒐集植物、昆蟲標本,19歲按照父親意願進了劍橋大學,準備當一位牧師,在學中他與一干科學家密切交往。畢業後參加英國海軍艦艇小獵犬號的環球航行(1831-1836),這決定了他一生的事業。回國後他將一路上的觀察結果繼續進行深入思考,並於1838年創立了「自然選擇」(natural selection)的理論。

  42年他將理論整理籌35頁的摘要,44年擴充為230頁,其學說大體完成,但並沒有立即發表,希望繼續蒐集材料驗證理論。58年他第一次向學術界發表他的學說,而為世人熟知且影響深遠的《物種起源》一書在次年出版,並引起熱烈爭議。完整的書名是《依據自然選擇或在生存競爭中適者存活的物種起源》。

  他的主要著作還有《小獵犬號環球航行記》、《達爾文自傳與書信集》、《動物和植物在家養下的變異》、《人類的由來及性選擇》、《人類和動物的感情表達》、《蘭科植物的傳粉》、《攀緣植物的運動與習性》、《食蟲植物》、《植物界異花傳粉與自花傳粉的效果》、《腐殖土與蚯蚓》等。

譯者簡介

葉篤莊

  南京金陵大學農學院、日本東京帝國大學農實科畢業。曾任華北農業科學研究所編譯委員會主任,《農業科學通訊》等雜紙主編,現任中國農業科學院研究員,中國翻譯工作者協會副會長兼科技翻譯委員會主任。著有《華北農作物栽培制度》、《華北棉花及其增產問題》等,譯有《達爾文進化論全集》13卷、《米丘林全集》4卷及及《赫胥黎自傳》等。

 

目錄

修訂記
原中文譯者前言
達爾文與《小獵犬號環球航行記》
原序
著者附言
第一章 佛德角群島的主島聖地亞哥001
第二章 里約熱內盧027
第三章 馬爾多納多055
第四章 從內格羅河到布蘭卡港085
第五章 布蘭卡港107
第六章 從布蘭卡港到布宜諾斯艾利斯141
第七章 從布宜諾斯艾利斯到聖菲163
第八章 東方班達和巴塔哥尼亞189
第九章 聖克魯斯河、巴塔哥尼亞和福克蘭群島231
第十章 火地島263
第十一章 麥哲倫海峽;南部海峽的氣候297
第十二章 中智利325
第十三章 奇洛埃島和喬諾斯群島349
第十四章 奇洛埃島和康塞普西翁;大地震373
第十五章 越過安第斯山脈397
第十六章 北智利和秘魯423
第十七章 加拉帕戈斯群島461
第十八章 塔希提島和新西蘭503
第十九章 澳大利亞535
第二十章 基林島;珊瑚島的構造559
第二十一章 從毛里求斯島到英格蘭595
 

推薦序
達爾文與《小獵犬號環球航行記》 
文∕王道還(中央研究院史語所人類學組生物人類學研究室)

  《小獵犬號環球航行記》1 出版於一八三九年,2 風行一時,為達爾文在通俗文化市場上贏得了聲名。事實上這一年一月底,他當選了皇家學會會員(今日的英國皇家學會會員,約略相當於國內的中央研究院院士);二月當選動物學會會員。而前一年起,他已是倫敦地質學會榮譽秘書(總幹事)。所以二十九歲的達爾文,已躋身「名流」之林,讓專家學者和知識大眾產生了深刻的印象。有誰想得到,當年達爾文在父親眼中是「很平凡的孩子,智力簡直在水平線之下」呢!父親擔心他平日不務正業,唯恐他「玷辱」家門!

  當然,達爾文隨小獵犬號出航五年的經歷是關鍵。大家都知道,這次航行,不僅是達爾文人生的轉捩點,也是現代生物學的里程碑。在出航之前,達爾文已受過當時英國最好的「自然史」訓練,劍橋大學望重一時的植物學家韓斯洛(Henslow, 1796-1861)、地質學家賽吉衛(Sedgwick, 1785-1873),都是他的業師。他登上小獵犬號後,飄洋過海、勘察異域,倘佯在大自然的胸懷之中,端的是上窮碧落、下鑽黃泉這樣的磨練,在達爾文的思想發展過程中扮演的角色,想當然耳,無庸詞費。

  但是達爾文受邀登上小獵犬號,還有別的面相值得我們注意。首先,英國海軍隨艦「自然學者」的傳統;其次,達爾文受邀的背景,以及學術研究社會基礎。

自然學者

  十九世紀的英國,事實上是自然科學的「後進」國。例如法國的臨床醫學、德國的生物醫學當時都已有重大的突破,英國(與美國)的有志青年都到巴黎或德國大學深造。但是為什麼是英國人達爾文發明了「生物演化論」,而不是法國、德國的學者呢?這裡就必須談英國的「自然史」傳統與「自然學者」了。

  「自然史」(natural history)本來與「歷史」並沒有什麼特定的關連,natural history的本意是「自然誌」或「自然研究」。到了十八世紀,由於地質學、地層學、古生物學的發展,「地球、自然有一發展的歷史」這個觀念才逐漸在學界興起,「自然誌」這時自然的就轉變成「自然史」了。「自然學者」就是研究「自然史」的學者。

  《小獵犬號環球航行記》可以當作十九世紀初期英國「自然史」的一個「標本」。其中包括地質、地貌的觀察,古生物、現生物的分布與描述,甚至對各地土著的人類學觀察。從「自然史」衍生出的學問,古生物學、比較解剖學、分類學、生物地理學、生態學、人類學,是其中的大宗。讀者可以發現,它們都是《小獵犬號環球航行記》的主要內容,也是達爾文發展演化論的主要資料。同時,由於自然史頗為「籠統」,在「科學」中反而是最平易近人的。自然史著作一直是「通俗科學」讀物中的主流,在達官貴人、名媛淑女、知識大眾之間,是重要的社交話題。

  當然自然史並不只是學究的事業、風雅的裝飾。自然學者收集的資料,對帝國殖民與擴張是戰略與戰術的情報。在英國的軍艦上,隨艦外科醫師兼任官方的自然學者。英國在十九世紀已經建立了海上霸權,英國軍艦航行四海,通行無阻,為自然史研究奠定了堅實的基礎。因此英國雖然在生物醫學(或微觀生物學)方面落後歐陸諸國,在巨觀生物學方面卻有突破。達爾文本人不用說了,當年他身邊的「年輕黨羽」,如解剖學家赫胥黎(Huxley, 1825-1895)、植物學家虎克(Hooker, 1817-1911),都曾在軍艦上擔任外科醫師。說英國的演化生物學,是在大洋異域打造的,並不誇張。

紳士學者

  但是,達爾文不是英國海軍聘雇的隨艦自然學者。他是艦長的私人「旅伴」。他必須負擔一切開銷,包括在船上的伙食。例如「船資」五百英鎊,還有裝備也花了近六百英磅,例如望遠鏡五英鎊,一隻來福槍五十英鎊。1 (赫胥黎一八四六年年底出航時,薪資每月不過十二英鎊。)估計達爾文在將近五年的航程中,花費了超過一千五百英鎊。那麼,為什麼小獵犬號的艦長有這個需求,他憑什麼相信能找到這麼一位旅伴,什麼樣的人會接受這樣的邀請?

  當時菲茨羅伊(Robert Fitzroy, 1805-1865)是小獵犬號的艦長。1826-1830年間,小獵犬號第一次到南美洲測繪海岸,艦長中途自殺,由菲茨羅伊代行艦長職務。那時他才二十三歲。菲茨羅伊出身貴族,舅舅擔任過外交部長,與國王喬治四世(1820-30在位)和威靈頓公爵有深厚交情。他對自然史也極有興趣。小獵犬號這次測量南美海岸的任務失敗了,他奉令在返航期間收集一切自然史資料。歸途中造訪了南美洲最南端的火地島(1830年)。這兒菲茨羅伊遇見了大概是過著最「原始」生活的印第安人。他們在冰天雪地的環境中,幾乎不著寸縷,居住的是茅草搭的「帳篷」。菲茨羅伊從這兒「收集」了四個原住民上船,回到倫敦。2 他出資「改造」他們,教他們學習各種「文明」信仰、禮儀、農牧技能。期望有朝一日這幾個人回到他們祖先的家園,傳布文明的福音,擔任大英帝國的貿易買辦。小獵犬號再度到南美測繪海岸的任務,可能是菲茨羅伊的親人遊說海軍部的結果。這樣,他就可以親自押運他的實驗產品返鄉了。

  這回出航菲茨羅伊已升任艦長。他想帶上船的,不只是那幾位已受文明洗禮的火地島人,還有一位私人旅伴。為什麼?根據英國海軍當時的傳統,艦長與屬下不僅在指揮體系上有上下之別,在社會空間上也隔離開來。例如,艦長在單獨的艙房中進餐,與屬下絕無私交。菲茨羅伊本人出身貴族,更疏遠了他與屬下的距離。在遠洋航行漫長旅途中,艦長過的是孤絕的生活,非有堅忍剛毅的性格不足以擔當。小獵犬號前任艦長在任務中途自殺,菲茨羅伊料理後事,想必感觸良多。

  更讓菲茨羅伊擔心的是,他的血液中也許流著「易於瘋狂」的遺傳因子。1822年菲茨羅伊的舅舅,就是在外交部長的位子上自殺的,據說由於受不了巨大的工作壓力。他在自殺之前已有「精神崩潰」的徵狀。身邊若有一位旅伴,平日共餐、談話,可以紓解寂寞鬱悶,放鬆因為工作而繃緊的神經。可是這位旅伴最起碼的條件,就是出身不能太差,必須與菲茨羅伊的「社會階級」相當。達爾文生於「紳士」家族,又是劍橋畢業生,等於已經拿到了進入上流社會的護照。因此達爾文登上小獵犬號,是當菲茨羅伊的旅伴,而不是船上的「自然學者」。小獵犬號上已有隨艦外科醫生,他才是艦上的「自然學者」。不過此人與菲茨羅伊、達爾文兩人都處不來,出航不久就告病求去。這才是日後達爾文以「小獵犬號隨艦自然學者」的身分寫作《小獵犬號環球航行記》的緣由,並非菲茨羅伊的初衷。

  達爾文登上小獵犬號的「階級考量」,也反映在達爾文父親的態度上。起初他反對兒子應徵,理由中並不包括「不事生產、花費繁浩」。他擔心的主要是達爾文從來就沒「安定下來」過,唯恐從小不務正業的兒子,飄洋過海之後更難安分守己。

  錢不是問題。

  但是菲茨羅伊徵募旅伴的「廣告詞」中,的確列出了這個「職位」的「好處」。那就是到南美、南太平洋從事自然史調查的機會。事實上小獵犬號並不缺自然學者,艦上已有了一位官派的,艦長本人也是個自然學者。可是艦長的自費旅伴這樣的職位,別說沒錢免談,即使有錢的人,平白無故的,幹嘛呀?當然得有「好處」。自然史調查的機會,在當時的確是個值得下海的理由。例如獨立想出天擇理論的華萊士(Wallace, 1823-1913),由於家貧,到南美和馬來群島調查、 採集自然標本。他就是借錢付船資,再以出售標本的收入償付。至於上流社會的人士,學術研究一直都是階級的裝飾品(使命),「自然史學者」這個頭銜,可是很受尊敬的。達爾文的舅舅(後來成了岳父),就是以這個理由說服了他父親讓他上船的。換言之,對於上流社會的人士,即使坐食家產、不事生產,仍須「務正業」。而自然史研究是正業。

  在英語世界裡,「職業科學家」大概要到十九世紀下半葉才出現。在達爾文隨小獵犬號出航前後,不僅「科學家」(scientist)這個詞才剛鑄造出來,並不流行。靠科學研究維生的機會也絕無僅有。當年學術研究的動力是維持門第,家產是學術的燃料。

原作者序

  我已在本書初版序文和《小獵犬號航行中的動物學考察》?指出,艦長菲茨羅伊(Fitz-Roy)要物色一位科學工作者隨船考察,並且把自己的一部份艙房提供給這位科學工作者,因此,我提出願意效勞,同時又蒙水路學家兼艦長博福特(Beaufort)的熱情推荐,而獲得了海軍部各位長官的同意。我感到我能有機會去研 究我們所訪問的各地博物情況,完全由於艦長菲茨羅伊的賜與,因此我在這?再一次地向他致謝;並附帶說明一下,我們二人在軍艦上相處的五年期間,我得到了他最誠摯的友誼和經常不斷的幫助。對艦長菲茨羅伊和小獵犬號上的所有軍官們的隆情厚意,我將永誌不忘,並深致謝忱1,因為在我們的長途旅行期間,我總是受到他們非常親切的照顧。

  本書的內容,是用日記(journal)的形式,講述我們這次旅行的經歷以及有關博物學和地質學方面的觀察概要;我想廣大讀者對此會產生某種興趣。在這個版本?,我大大壓縮和修改了一些地方,並對其他幾處做了一點增補,使其更適於一般讀者的閱讀;可是我相信,博物學家們將會記得,要了解這方面的詳細情形,還應研讀幾本篇幅更大的著作;它們包含著這次考察的科學成果。在《小獵犬號航行中的動物學考察》一書?,包括有下述各綱動物的詳細記載:歐文(Owen)教授所著的哺乳綱化石(fossil mlammalia);沃特豪斯(Waterhouse)先生所著的
現代哺乳類(living mammalia);古爾德(Gould)先生所著的鳥綱(Birds);牧師詹寧士(Jenyns)所著的魚綱(Fish);還有貝爾(Bell)先生所著的爬行綱(Reptiles)。我附帶描述了各個物種的習性及其分佈範圍。這幾種著作所以能夠出版,應感謝上面所說的幾位卓越的科學家的高度才能和大公無私的熱情;此外,要是沒有財務部各位首長們慷慨相助,根據財政大臣閣下的提議,欣然撥出一千英鎊的款項,來支付部份出版費用,上述各書也難於問世。

  從我這方面說,我已經發表了如下幾種單行的著作:《珊瑚礁的構造和分佈》(Structure and Distribution of Coral Reefs);《在小獵犬號航行期間所訪問的火山島嶼》(Volcanic Islands visited during the Voyage of the Beagle);還有《南美洲的地質》(Geology of South America)。在《地質學報》(Geological Transactions)的第6卷,發表了兩頁我們寫的關於《南美洲的漂礫和火山現象》(ErraticBoulders and Volcanic Phenomena of South America)的文章。沃特豪斯、沃克(Walker)、紐曼(Newman)和懷特(White)四位先生,發表了幾篇卓越文章,描述他們所採集的昆蟲;同時我相信此後一定會有其他文章繼續不斷地發表。J.胡克(Hooker)博士在他的《南半球植物學》(Botany of the Southern Hemisphere)這部鉅著?,講述了美洲南部地區的植物。他已經把加拉帕戈斯群島的植物區系(Flora of the Galapagos Archipelago)作為一篇單獨的專題論文,發表在《林奈學報》(Linnean Transactions)上。牧師亨斯洛(Henslow)教授發表了我在基林群島(Keeling Islands)採集到的植物的一覽表,還有牧師J. M.伯克利(Ber-keley)敘述了我所採集到的隱花植物。

  對幾位博物學家在我編著本書和其他著作時給予的巨大幫助,謹表謝意,並且我必須在這?,對牧師亨斯洛教授再一次表示最衷心的感謝,因為,我在劍橋大學求學期間,主要是他引導我對博物學發生了興趣;在我離開大學以後,他又負責照管我送回祖國的標本,並且還用書信指導我的研究工作;我回國以後,他又多方給我幫助,只有最親密的朋友才能如此。

於達溫,索羅姆萊,肯特 1845年6月


《小獵犬號航行記》 譯者: 王瑞香 出版社:馬可孛羅,2015  
譯者簡介

王瑞香


  國立台灣大學哲學學士,美國俄亥俄州立大學人類學碩士。曾任中時報系編譯、撰述委員,婦女新知基金會董事,《誠品閱讀》主編。現任輔大翻譯學研究所兼任講師,婦女新知基金會顧問,並從事自由創作、翻譯、自然寫作、自然生態影片特約劇本撰寫等。

  著作有《一個女人的感觸》;譯作包括《地圖師之夢》、《環境倫理學》、《內在革命》、《卡蜜兒》等。

Darwin, Ahead of His Time, Is Still Influential




Published: February 9, 2009

Darwin’s theory of evolution has become the bedrock of modern biology. But for most of the theory’s existence since 1859, even biologists have ignored or vigorously opposed it, in whole or in part.
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Thomas Porostocky

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Illustration by Thomas Porostocky; Photographs by University of Cambridge
Perhaps as famous as any of Darwin’s books is “The Voyage of the Beagle,” his account of his nearly five-year voyage of exploration, which took him around Cape Horn to the Galápagos Islands. It was on that trip that he made observations, like those of the many varieties of island finches, that provided raw material for his thinking about the process of evolution.

It is a testament to Darwin’s extraordinary insight that it took almost a century for biologists to understand the essential correctness of his views.
Biologists quickly accepted the idea of evolution, but for decades they rejected natural selection, the mechanism Darwin proposed for the evolutionary process. Until the mid-20th century they largely ignored sexual selection, a special aspect of natural selection that Darwin proposed to account for male ornaments like the peacock’s tail.
And biologists are still arguing about group-level selection, the idea that natural selection can operate at the level of groups as well as on individuals. Darwin proposed group selection — or something like it; scholars differ as to what he meant — to account for castes in ant societies and morality in people.
How did Darwin come to be so in advance of his time? Why were biologists so slow to understand that Darwin had provided the correct answer on so many central issues? Historians of science have noted several distinctive features of Darwin’s approach to science that, besides genius, help account for his insights. They also point to several nonscientific criteria that stood as mental blocks in the way of biologists’ accepting Darwin’s ideas.
One of Darwin’s advantages was that he did not have to write grant proposals or publish 15 articles a year. He thought deeply about every detail of his theory for more than 20 years before publishing “On the Origin of Species” in 1859, and for 12 years more before its sequel, “The Descent of Man,” which explored how his theory applied to people.
He brought several intellectual virtues to the task at hand. Instead of brushing off objections to his theory, he thought about them obsessively until he had found a solution. Showy male ornaments, like the peacock’s tail, appeared hard to explain by natural selection because they seemed more of a handicap than an aid to survival. “The sight of a feather in a peacock’s tail, whenever I gaze at it, makes me sick,” Darwin wrote. But from worrying about this problem, he developed the idea of sexual selection, that females chose males with the best ornaments, and hence elegant peacocks have the most offspring.
Darwin also had the intellectual toughness to stick with the deeply discomfiting consequences of his theory, that natural selection has no goal or purpose. Alfred Wallace, who independently thought of natural selection, later lost faith in the power of the idea and turned to spiritualism to explain the human mind. “Darwin had the courage to face the implications of what he had done, but poor Wallace couldn’t bear it,” says William Provine, a historian at Cornell University. (Read commentary by Dr. Provine on passages from "On the Origin of Species." )
Darwin’s thinking about evolution was not only deep, but also very broad. He was interested in fossils, animal breeding, geographical distribution, anatomy and plants. “That very comprehensive view allowed him to see things that others perhaps didn’t,” says Robert J. Richards, a historian at the University of Chicago. “He was so sure of his central ideas — the transmutation of species and natural selection — that he had to find a way to make it all work together.” (Dr. Richards comments on "On the Origin of Species.")
From the perspective of 2009, Darwin’s principal ideas are substantially correct. He did not get everything right. Because he didn’t know about plate tectonics, Darwin’s comments on the distribution of species are not very useful. His theory of inheritance, since he had no knowledge of genes or DNA, is beside the point. But his central concepts of natural selection and sexual selection were correct. He also presented a form of group-level selection that was long dismissed but now has leading advocates like the biologists E. O. Wilson and David Sloan Wilson.
Not only was Darwin correct on the central premises of his theory, but in several other still open issues his views also seem quite likely to prevail. His idea of how new species form was long eclipsed by Ernst Mayr’s view that a reproductive barrier like a mountain forces a species to split. But a number of biologists are now returning to Darwin’s idea that speciation occurs most often through competition in open spaces, Dr. Richards says.
Darwin believed there was a continuity between humans and other species, which led him to think of human morality as related to the sympathy seen among social animals. This long-disdained idea was resurrected only recently by researchers like the primatologist Frans de Waal. Darwin “never felt that morality was our own invention, but was a product of evolution, a position we are now seeing grow in popularity under the influence of what we know about animal behavior,” Dr. de Waal says. “In fact, we’ve now returned to the original Darwinian position.”
It is somewhat remarkable that a man who died in 1882 should still be influencing discussion among biologists. It is perhaps equally strange that so many biologists failed for so many decades to accept ideas that Darwin expressed in clear and beautiful English.
The rejection was in part because a substantial amount of science, including the two new fields of Mendelian genetics and population genetics, needed to be developed before other, more enticing mechanisms of selection could be excluded. But there were also a series of nonscientific considerations that affected biologists’ judgment.
In the 19th century, biologists accepted evolution, in part because it implied progress.
“The general idea of evolution, particularly if you took it to be progressive and purposeful, fitted the ideology of the age,” says Peter J. Bowler, a historian of science at Queen’s University, Belfast. But that made it all the harder to accept that something as purposeless as natural selection could be the shaping force of evolution. “On the Origin of Species” and its central idea were largely ignored and did not come back into vogue until the 1930s. By that time the population geneticist R. A. Fisher and others had shown that Mendelian genetics was compatible with the idea of natural selection working on small variations.
“If you think of the 150 years since the publication of ‘Origin of Species,’ it had half that time in the wilderness and half at the center, and even at the center it’s often been not more than marginal,” says Helena Cronin, a philosopher of science at the London School of Economics. “That’s a pretty comprehensive rejection of Darwin.” (Dr. Cronin's comments on Darwin's text.)
Darwin is still far from being fully accepted in sciences outside biology. “People say natural selection is O.K. for human bodies but not for brain or behavior,” Dr. Cronin says. “But making an exception for one species is to deny Darwin’s tenet of understanding all living things. This includes almost the whole of social studies — that’s quite an influential body that’s still rejecting Darwinism.”
The yearning to see purpose in evolution and the doubt that it really applied to people were two nonscientific criteria that led scientists to reject the essence of Darwin’s theory. A third, in terms of group selection, may be people’s tendency to think of themselves as individuals rather than as units of a group. “More and more I’m beginning to think about individualism as our own cultural bias that more or less explains why group selection was rejected so forcefully and why it is still so controversial,” says David Sloan Wilson, a biologist at Binghamton University.
Historians who are aware of the long eclipse endured by Darwin’s ideas perhaps have a clearer idea of his extraordinary contribution than do biologists, many of whom assume Darwin’s theory has always been seen to offer, as now, a grand explanatory framework for all biology. Dr. Richards, the University of Chicago historian, recalls that a biologist colleague “had occasion to read the ‘Origin’ for the first time — most biologists have never read the ‘Origin’ — because of a class he was teaching. We met on the street and he remarked, ‘You know, Bob, Darwin really knew a lot of biology.’ ”
Darwin knew a lot of biology: more than any of his contemporaries, more than a surprising number of his successors. From prolonged thought and study, he was able to intuit how evolution worked without having access to all the subsequent scientific knowledge that others required to be convinced of natural selection. He had the objectivity to put aside criteria with powerful emotional resonance, like the conviction that evolution should be purposeful. As a result, he saw deep into the strange workings of the evolutionary mechanism, an insight not really exceeded until a century after his great work of synthesis.

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