2016年11月22日 星期二

KISSINGER AND CHILE: THE DECLASSIFIED RECORD ON REGIME CHANGE基辛格:中美衝突會對世界帶來不可想像的嚴重後果; 40 Years After Nixon, Still Trying to Define Presidential Power

"This president-elect is the most unique that I have experienced in one respect," former Secretary of State Henry Kissinger said a few days ago after meeting with Donald Trump. "No baggage."
No baggage? I suppose we should expect nothing less from the man who helped engineer the overthrow of Chile’s democratically-elected Salvador Allende in 1973, and install ruthless dictator Augusto Pinochet.
What do you think?

KISSINGER AND CHILE: THE DECLASSIFIED RECORD ON REGIME CHANGE
NSARCHIVE.GWU.EDU





修昔底德陷阱(Thucydides Trap) - ) 由美國政治學家格雷厄姆.艾利森(Graham T. Allison)提出的詞彙,指一个新崛起的大国必然要挑战现存 ...

前美國國務卿基辛格博士和原中國國務委員戴秉國在當天舉行的分組會上就美中關係現狀和未來發展進行了對話。
基辛格表示,中美關係是一種特殊的關係,中美兩國可以說一定程度上符合“修昔底德陷阱”雙方的特性,一個是正在崛起的國家,另外一個是守成的大國。
這位在尼克鬆時代為美中關係破冰作出重要貢獻的前外交官認為,中美之間不會陷入“修昔底德陷阱”, 中國並沒有取代美國超級大國的地位意圖。不過他告誡說,如果中美兩國出現衝突,就會迫使其他的國家要選邊站隊,會對世界帶來不可想像的嚴重後果。
對於美中兩國之間的分歧,戴秉國說:“中美兩國不能衝突對抗,不能打冷戰,更不能打熱戰,中美高層要增進相互信任,美國要正確認識中國的發展,不要把中國做的任何事都看成對美國的挑戰,中國要看到自己是發展中國家,集中力量把自己的事情辦好。”


******
WHITE HOUSE MEMO
40 Years After Nixon, Still Trying to Define Presidential Power
By PETER BAKER August 04, 2014
水門事件40年後,再議總統權力
PETER BAKER 2014年08月04日
WASHINGTON — Talk of impeachment is in the air. A handful of conservatives issue statements and sell T-shirts promoting an impeachment their party leaders consider a fool’s errand. Democrats beat the drums even louder, raising money by scaring supporters into taking it seriously.
華盛頓——彈劾總統的說法沸沸揚揚。一些保守派發表聲明、出售T卹,宣揚要彈劾總統,他們政黨的領導人物認為這是白費力氣。民主黨甚至更加來勁,他們聲稱必須嚴肅對待此事,進而恐嚇支持者趕緊捐錢。
If history seems intent on repeating itself as farce, the events of recent days have served as a reminder that 40 years after President Richard M. Nixon resigned in the face of impending impeachment, the nation he left behind is still struggling to define the contours of presidential power and the nature of political accountability.
如果說歷史彷彿正打算以鬧劇重演,近期發生的事件則提醒人們,在前總統理查德·M·尼克松(Richard M. Nixon)因為面臨彈劾而辭職40年之後,美國仍然難以界定總統權力的界限和政治問責的本質。
As the anniversary of his fall arrives this week, Watergate has faded into a few pages in a history book or a cliché to pull out in a news conference or a suffix to attach to some new scandal-gate. More than half of Americans were not alive when Nixon resigned and many others were too young to remember it. But a series of new books, documentaries, panel discussions and television programs has opened a re-examination of a dark and difficult period in American history.
本週,尼克松下台的紀念日即將到來,“水門事件”(Watergate)已經變成了歷史書中的寥寥幾頁,或是人們在新聞發布會上提到的套話,或是在新醜聞爆發後“某某門”的後綴。尼克松辭職時,今天美國超過一半的人口尚未出生,其他很多人年紀還太小,不記得這件事。不過,一系列新書、紀錄片、專題討論會和電視節目提供了一個機會,讓人們得以重新審視美國歷史上這個黑暗而艱難的時期。

Mike Lien/The New York Times
1974年8月9日,尼克鬆在離開白宮前,滿含熱淚地與幕僚告別。
“We've gotten sloppy about this, and politicians for their own reasons — the Democrats as well as Republicans — exploit the term 'impeachment,' ” said Elizabeth Drew, one of the leading chroniclers of Watergate. “Democrats are just as bad as Republicans about this. They're raising money off the impeachment term just like the Republicans. This is disgusting. It's an awful serious thing to talk about impeaching a president.”
“我們一開始有些大意。而政治人物,無論是民主黨人還是共和黨人,也都出於各自的理由,對'彈劾'這個詞加以利用,”水門事件的一名主要記錄者伊麗莎白·德魯( Elizabeth Drew)說。 “在這件事上,民主黨與共和黨一樣壞。他們與共和黨一樣,也在以彈劾為噱頭籌集資金。這真讓人噁心。談論彈劾總統應該是一件非常嚴肅的事。”
Ms. Drew has contributed to the re-evaluation by releasing an updated version of her seminal book from 1975, “Washington Journal,” with a new afterword including fresh reporting. John W. Dean, the Nixon White House counsel, is back as well with a new volume, “The Nixon Defense,” based on a comprehensive review of the infamous White House tapes. The historians Douglas Brinkley and Luke A. Nichter have also mined the recordings for “The Nixon Tapes,” transcribing conversations on issues other than Watergate.
德魯1975年的書《華盛頓日記》(Washington Journal)頗有影響力。這本書如今推出了一個新版本,後記中包含新的報導。德魯憑藉這本書也加入了“水門事件”的重新審視。尼克鬆的白宮法律顧問約翰·W·迪安(John W. Dean)也出版了一部名叫《為尼克松辯護》(The Nixon Defense)的新書,此書是在對臭名昭著的白宮錄音帶進行全面研究後寫成的。歷史學者道格拉斯·布林克利(Douglas Brinkley)和盧克·A·尼歇特(Luke A. Nichter)在撰寫《尼克鬆的磁帶》(The Nixon Tapes)時也曾仔細研究了這些錄音,整理了“水門事件”之外的其他談話的記錄。
Patrick J. Buchanan celebrates Nixon in “The Greatest Comeback,” recalling the 1968 election he won after his previous defeats. Rick Perlstein in his latest installment in the history of the conservative movement traces the fall of Nixon to the rise of Ronald Reagan in “ The Invisible Bridge.” In “Chasing Shadows,” Ken Hughes explores Nixon's role in thwarting Vietnam peace talks before the 1968 election.
帕特里克·J·布坎南(Patrick J. Buchanan)在《榮耀回歸》(The Greatest Comeback)中對尼克松大加讚揚,回憶了尼克鬆在之前的選舉中落敗後,又在1968的選舉中獲勝的過程。里克·珀爾斯坦(Rick Perlstein)講述保守派運動歷史的系列作品中,最新的一本叫做《看不見的橋》(The Invisible Bridge),書中追溯了從尼克松倒台到羅納德·裡根(Ronald Reagan)上台這段時期的歷史。肯·休斯(Ken Hughes)則在《追逐陰影》(Chasing Shadows)中講述了尼克鬆在1968年選舉前,阻撓越南和談的過程。
Television viewers will also find plenty to transport them back in time. HBO debuts “Nixon by Nixon: In His Own Words,” on Monday, for some voyeuristic eavesdropping into the Oval Office. PBS follows on Friday night, 40 years to the hour after Nixon's announcement that he would step down, by airing “Dick Cavett's Watergate,” telling the story through the lens of the popular talk show host.
電視觀眾也可以找到許多能讓他們重溫歷史的節目。週一,HBO開始播出《尼克松眼中的自己:他的自述》(Nixon by Nixon: In His Own Words),讓觀眾也有機會偷聽橢圓形辦公室裡發生的事。週五晚上,PBS也開始播出《迪克·卡維特眼中的水門事件》(Dick Cavett’s Watergate),該片從這位著名脫口秀主持人的視角講述了這個故事。
“I had forgotten things,” Mr. Cavett said of going through the shows he did on Watergate, which included interviews with figures like G. Gordon Liddy, John Ehrlichman and Alexander Haig. It was so implausible that “it seems either we must remember it wrong or it's fiction,” he said, adding, “It made me angry watching it.”
卡維特形容,在回顧他做過的水門事件的節目時,他發現“有些事我已經忘了”。這些節目包括對G·戈登·利迪(G. Gordon Liddy)、約翰·埃利希曼(John Ehrlichman)和亞歷山大·黑格(Alexander Haig)等人物的訪問。這些事情令人難以置信,“彷彿要么是我們一定記錯了,要么就是根本沒發生過,”他還說,“看片子時我覺得很生氣。”
From a more sympathetic vantage point, the Richard Nixon Foundation will post online starting Tuesday a series of interviews Nixon gave to his former White House aide, Frank Gannon, recalling the final days leading to his resignation.
理查德·尼克松基金會(Richard Nixon Foundation)將於週二開始在網上發布尼克鬆與他在白宮時的前幕僚弗蘭克·甘農(Frank Gannon)的一系列訪談,其中回顧了他辭職前的最後幾天。這個角度比較容易激起人們的同情心。
In Washington, at least, there still seems to be an audience. When Ms. Drew and Mr. Hughes joined Bob Woodward andCarl Bernstein, the famed investigative reporters, for a panel discussion of Nixon's resignation at the headquarters of The Washington Post last week, the line stretched out the door and down the block.
至少在華盛頓,這些東西似乎仍能吸引一些觀眾。上週,德魯和休斯,連同因揭發“水門事件”而聞名的調查記者鮑勃·伍德沃德(Bob Woodward)和卡爾·伯恩斯坦(Carl Bernstein),在《華盛頓郵報》(The Washington Post)總部出席了一場關於尼克松辭職的討論會。當時,聽眾隊伍排出了樓外,一直延伸了一個街區。
All of which goes to show that Nixon still captures the public imagination all these years later. “It's not that the American people 40 years later are wishing Nixon was still around,” said Mr. Brinkley, a professor ​​at Rice University. “Nobody in their right mind would want Nixon back in the White House. But it was a momentous time and Nixon was a gigantic figure.”
所有這些證明,這麼多年過去了,尼克松仍能激起公眾的興趣。 “倒不是說,40年後美國民眾希望尼克松當時留任了,”萊斯大學(Rice University)教授布林克利說。 “頭腦正常的人都不會想讓尼克松回到白宮。不過,那是個重要的歷史節點,而尼克松是其中的大主角。”
And a well-documented one. While he was not the first president to tape his White House conversations, the 3,700 hours captured remain a unique record for history. Mr. Brinkley and Mr. Nichter focused not on Watergate but on other aspects of his presidency , including the opening to China, the Vietnam War, Middle East peacemaking and dealings with the Soviet Union.
而且,他的一舉一動得到了詳盡的記錄。儘管他並非將白宮內的對話記錄在案的首位總統,但時長3700小時的錄音,仍然是獨特的史料。布林克利和尼歇特把注意力放在了尼克松“水門事件”之外的總統生涯,包括接觸中國、越南戰爭、中東和平進程,以及與蘇聯的交往。
The Nixon who comes through in the transcripts they have made is crude and vain, gossipy, sometimes paranoid, plotting against enemies real or imagined. He is also deeply involved in determining war strategy, plotting out hardball diplomacy and dictating policy to Henry Kissinger. “ We like to put people in boxes,” said Mr. Nichter, an associate professor ​​at Texas A & M University, Central Texas. “What box do you put Richard Nixon in, and who else is in that box — if a box can even contain him?”
他們從談話記錄中挖掘出的尼克松粗魯、自負、嘴碎,時而疑心重重,要密謀對付真實的敵人或假想敵。他還深度介入戰爭決策,謀劃了強硬的外交政策,並對亨利·基辛格(Henry Kissinger)下達指令。 “我們喜歡給人劃分類型,”德克薩斯農工大學德州中部校區(Texas A & M University, Central Texas)的副教授尼歇特說。 “該把理查德·尼克松歸到哪一類,屬於這一類的還有誰——假設他真能被定義到一種類型裡的話?”
While Mr. Brinkley and Mr. Nichter steered clear of Watergate — saving it for their next book of transcripts — Mr. Dean did not. Until now, Stanley Kutler's 1997 book, “Abuse of Power,” offered the most complete look at what the tapes revealed about Watergate. But Mr. Dean and a team he assembled reviewed 600 additional conversations.
布林克利和尼歇特避開了“水門事件”,準備到下一本關於談話記錄的書中再做探討。迪安則不然。時至今日,對“水門事件”相關錄音資料進行了最全面研究的是斯坦利·庫特勒(Stanley Kutler)在1997年出版的《濫用職權》(Abuse of Power)。不過,迪安及其團隊還分析了另外的600次對話。
He concluded, among other things, that Nixon really did not order the break-in at the Democratic headquarters that precipitated the investigation leading to his downfall, but he was deeply involved in the cover-up. He also argued that it was mechanically impossible for Nixon's secretary, Rose Mary Woods, to have erased the tape with the infamous 18-and-a-half-minute gap, but dismisses the importance of the missing portion.
他的結論之一是,尼克鬆的確沒有親自下令竊聽民主黨總部,但他深度介入了其後的掩蓋行動。竊聽一事引發了最終導致尼克松下台的調查。迪安還認為,尼克鬆的秘書羅絲·瑪麗·伍茲(Rose Mary Woods)技術上不可能抹掉那18分半的錄音內容。這段缺失的錄音廣受懷疑,但迪安認為並不重要。
Mr. Dean, who cooperated with prosecutors to become Nixon's accuser, said he learned more about the president he worked for while listening to the tapes, how he behaved differently with different people and relied so much on a small inner circle. “This is just the epitome of the kinds of mistakes a president can make, including the way a president gets himself isolated, and just getting information from one or two aides,” he said.
迪安後來與檢方合作,轉而指控尼克松。他表示,通過聽這些錄音,他對自己曾經效力的總統有了更多的了解:尼克鬆在不同人面前會變換行為方式,而且極為依賴內部小圈子。 “這就是總統犯錯的典型,包括總統把自己隔絕起來,只從一兩個幕僚那裡獲取信息,”他說。
What lessons that may hold for today depends on who's talking. President Bill Clinton was impeached, though acquitted by the Senate, for lying under oath about his affair with Monica Lewinsky. Presidents Ronald Reagan, George W. Bush and nowBarack Obama all heard rumblings of impeachment at different points.
至於今天能從中吸取什麼樣的教訓,則要看對誰而言。前總統比爾·克林頓(Bill Clinton)曾在宣誓之後,對他與莫妮卡·萊溫斯基(Monica Lewinsky)的私情撒謊而受到彈劾,但之後被參議院駁回。羅納德·裡根、喬治·W·布什(George W. Bush),以及如今的奧巴馬,都在某個時刻聽到過彈劾的風聲。
Timothy Naftali, the former director of the Richard M. Nixon Presidential Library and Museum, said the anniversary should prompt discussion about the proper constitutional balance of power. “It's a good time to reflect why some presidents are really threatened with impeachment,” he said , “and why for other presidents impeachment is just a term tossed around for political effect.”
曾在理查德·M·尼克松總統圖書博物館(Richard M. Nixon Presidential Library and Museum)擔任館長的蒂莫西·納夫塔利(Timothy Naftali)表示,人們應當借40週年紀念的時機,討論權力應當受到適當的製衡。他說,“這是個很好的反思時機,思考為什麼對某些總統而言,彈劾是真實的威脅,而對另一些總統而言,彈劾不過是有人為了製造政治影響而拋出的噱頭。”

1974年8月9日,尼克松在离开白宫前,满含热泪地与幕僚告别。
Mike Lien/The New York Times

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