2013年11月30日 星期六


November 23, 1963

Kennedy Boyhood and Youth Were Often a Tale of Sharp Rivalry of 2 Brothers

Joseph Jr. Ruled John With Fists
Future President Offered Few Signs Then of His Interest in Politics

The Associated Press
President John F. Kennedy RELATED ARTICLE
  • Kennedy Concentrated on Domestic Issues After Showdown Over Cuba in '62
  • Book on 'Courage' and '56 Convention Role Put Kennedy on Road to White House
  • Kennedy Boyhood and Youth Were Often a Tale of Sharp Rivalry of 2 Brothers
  • Coconut Shell in the White House Recalled Rescue in World War II
  • Death of Brother in War Thrust Kennedy Into Career of Politics

  • ohn Fitzgerald Kennedy grew up under the shadow of his brother Joseph. It laid a mark on his character. In later life, some persons were to see in the rivalry of the two Kennedy boys at least one reason for the success of the surviving brother. But during the years of growing up it did not seem exactly that way to John. Joseph was not only two years older than John. He was also taller, heavier, stronger.
    In the absence of the boys' father, young Joseph took on some of his authority. In the big family it was Joseph Jr. who laid down the law. He had a quick temper and he tended to enforce his rulings with his fists.
    All through childhood and early adolescence Joseph Jr. and John fought. The outcome was inevitable--John was smaller, slimmer and less developed than his brother. But still the boys fought. Their younger brother, Robert, remembered years later how he and his sisters had cowered in an upstairs room while the two boys fought below.
    The rivalry was not confined to the physical. Joseph Jr. was an able, aggressive, outgoing youngster.
    John Kennedy gave few signs in his youth that he might some day head for the Presidency.
    He was born on May 29, 1917, in Brookline, a Boston suburb. His first years were spent in Brookline at 83 Beals Street, a comfortable white frame house in a pleasant upper middle- class neighborhood.
    Attended Private School In Brookline, John started his education at the Dexter school, a private school rather than a parochial institution.
    By 1926 Joseph Kennedy's business interests were concentrated in New York and he decided to uproot his family from the Boston milieu.
    John went to fourth, fifth and sixth grades in the Riverdale Country Day School. Years later he was dimly remembered by his teachers as a likable youngster, moderately studious, polite and hot-tempered.
    The family then moved to near-by Bronxville where Joseph Kennedy had purchased an 11- bedroom red brick house.
    Only one year of John's education was spent in a Catholic institution. This was Canterbury, a preparatory school at New Milford, Mass., where John went for a year at the age of 13.
    The next fall he shifted to Choate at Wallingford, Conn. Choate was a rather exclusive boys' school with a strong Protestant Episcopal orientation. His brother, Joseph Jr., had gone to the school two years ahead of John and was a leader.
    There was nothing brilliant about John Kennedy's record at Choate. To his teachers he gave no outward sign of special ability. His grades were average.
    At Choate John made friends with Lemoyne Billings, a boy from Baltimore. This was one of the earliest of his school friendships that were to endure and grow as his political career began to gather headway.
    John Kennedy was graduated from Choate in 1935, when he was 18. He was tall, thin, wiry, good-looking and energetic.
    John had decided to break with family tradition and go to Princeton rather than Harvard, where his father had studied, and where Joseph Jr. was already cutting out an important career.
    However, John had a recurrence of jaundice in December and left Princeton. In the autumn of 1936 he entered Harvard.
    His first two years at Harvard were undistinguished. He got slightly better than a C average as a freshman and about the same as a sophomore.
    John went out for freshman football but was too light to make the team. He suffered a back injury that was to plague him seriously later on. But football gave him another of his lifetime friends. This was Torbert H. Macdonald.
    The turning point in John's college career probably was a trip to Europe that he made in the summer of 1937 with Billings.
    John had an audience with the Pope and met Cardinal Pacelli, who was to become Pope Pius XII.
    'Quite a Fellow' "He is quite a fellow," John wrote his parents. John also admired the Fascist system in Italy "as everyone seemed to like it," but took a balanced view of the civil war in Spain.
    Toward the close of 1937 his father was named Ambassador to the Court of St. James's by President Roosevelt.
    Ambassador Kennedy was in the thick of the controversy over United States policy. He took the side of the supporters of Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain, backed the Munich agreement and, in general, expressed views regarded by his critics as those of isolationism and appeasement.
    John Kennedy's interest in foreign affairs was further stimulated when he obtained permission from Harvard to spend the second semester of his junior year in Europe.
    John's final year at Harvard was by far the best of his educational career.
    For the first time he demonstrated intellectual drive and vigor. He was determined to be graduated with honors and took extra work in political science toward this end. His grades improved to a B average.
    But his principal achievement of the year was the writing of a thesis, "Appeasement at Munich." In it, his basic point was:
    Most of the critics have been firing at the wrong target. The Munich Pact itself should not be the object of criticism but rather the underlying factors such as the state of British opinion and the condition of Britain's armaments which made "surrender" inevitable.
    "To blame one man, such as Baldwin, for the unpreparedness of British armaments is illogical and unfair, given the condition of democratic government."
    In June, 1940, John Kennedy was graduated cum laude in political science. His thesis had won a magna cum laude.


    Coconut Shell in the White House Recalled Rescue in World War II

    The Associated Press
    President John F. Kennedy RELATED ARTICLE
  • Kennedy Concentrated on Domestic Issues After Showdown Over Cuba in '62
  • Book on 'Courage' and '56 Convention Role Put Kennedy on Road to White House
  • Kennedy Boyhood and Youth Were Often a Tale of Sharp Rivalry of 2 Brothers
  • Coconut Shell in the White House Recalled Rescue in World War II
  • Death of Brother in War Thrust Kennedy Into Career of Politics

  • n John F. Kennedy's desk in the White House a scarred and battered coconut shell held a place of honor. On its rough bark was scratched this message:
    "Native knows posit he can pilot 11 alive need small boat kennedy."
    This crude memento was a souvenir of as close a brush with death as John Kennedy--or any other man--was likely to experience and live to talk about. It also marked the climax of his brief but daring and courageous military career.
    Mr. Kennedy was graduated from Harvard in June, 1940, just after the so-called "phony war" had ended in Europe.
    With World War II more and more dominating the world's headlines and the thoughts of men, Mr. Kennedy found it impossible to settle down to civilian existence.
    He had talked of entering Yale Law School in the fall of 1940. But he changed his mind at the last moment and enrolled at the Stanford University business school for graduate work.
    Wanted Military Service He was restless, however, and left school to make a long tour of South America. By the time he got back he had one interest--to get into the armed forces.
    He undertook a rigorous course of conditioning and exercises and managed to pass a Navy physical in September, 1941.
    He was assigned at first to a desk in Naval intelligence in Washington, preparing a news digest for the Navy Chief of Staff.
    This was not to his liking. He invoked his father's influence and managed to get transferred to the torpedo boat training station at Melville, R.I., where a number of his friends, including his Harvard roommate, Torbert H. Macdonald, were already stationed.
    In March, Lieutenant (j.g.) Kennedy had command of PT-109, a boat that was part of a PT squadron based at Rendova, south of New Georgia.
    Not long after midnight Aug. 2, 1943, PT-109 was on patrol in Blackett Strait in the Solomon Islands, about forty miles from the Rendova base. The 26-year-old Lieutenant Kennedy was in charge, leading three other PT boats.
    His first officer, George Ross, a Princeton graduate, was at the wheel.
    Suddenly out of the murk the Japanese destroyer, Amagiri, bore down on them at 30 knots. It rammed the boat squarely, cutting it in two and steamed on without loss of speed.
    2 Crewmen Killed Two members of the PT crew were killed outright. Lieutenant Kennedy was hurled onto the deck, falling on his back.
    But he was not killed. Nor was his craft sunk. The after half of the PT remained afloat although the sea was covered with burning gasoline. Although his back had been injured by his fall, Lieutenant Kennedy and several of his crew members managed to aid two men who were badly hurt--Patrick H. McMahon, the engineer who was severely burned, and Harris, a fellow Bostonian who had hurt his leg.
    The men hoped for an early rescue but no help came. Apparently the other PT boats had assumed all men were lost.
    The next night the hull capsized and Lieutenant Kennedy led his party to a small island. Most of the way he swam, breast-stroke, pulling the injured Mr. McMahon by life preserver straps that he clasped in his teeth.
    Lieutenant Kennedy left his exhausted mates on the atoll and swam on further to Ferguson Passage through which PT boats frequently operated. He carried with him a heavy ship's lantern for signaling.
    All night long he swam and drifted in the Ferguson Passage, hoping a PT boat would come along. Sometimes he dozed in the water. No PT boats appeared. In early morning he swam back to the reef where his comrades waited and sank exhausted and sick on the sand.
    The next night Mr. Ross swam to Ferguson Passage but had no more luck.
    The next day Lieutenant Kennedy moved his men to another island closer to Ferguson Passage. All were hungry and thirsty. Some were ill.
    On the fourth day Mr. Kennedy and Mr. Ross swam to Cross Island, even closer to Ferguson Passage. Here they made a great find--a keg of water and a box of biscuits and hard candy left behind by the Japanese. They also found a native dugout canoe. Mr. Kennedy left Mr. Ross on Cross and paddled back to his crew with food and water.
    On the fifth day he returned to Cross, but on the way a storm swamped the canoe. But, in imminent peril of drowning, he was sighted by a group of Solomon Islanders in a large canoe. They took him to Cross and Mr. Ross. Here they led the Americans to a larger canoe concealed on the island.
    Mr. Kennedy took a coconut, scratched on it the message:
    "Native knows posit he can pilot 11 alive need small boat kennedy." He told the natives again and again "Rendova, Rendova." They paddled away.
    That night he and Mr. Ross again went out to Ferguson Passage. Again their canoe was capsized and they nearly drowned. They made it back to Cross and sank on the beach in exhausted slumber.
    But on that morning--the sixth since the disaster--Mr. Kennedy and Mr. Ross were awakened by four natives, one of whom spoke excellent English and said:
    "I have a letter for you, sir."
    More than seventeen years later, after Lieutenant Kennedy had become President Kennedy, the man who received the message and summoned help was identified as A. R. Evans, an Australian serving in his country's Naval Reserve. Mr. Evans was now an accountant at Sydney.
    Within a matter of hours the PT survivors had all been rounded up and were back at their base, the worse for wear and tear, but happily alive.
    The commander of the destroyer Amagiri Kohei Hanami, now a farmer in Japan, sent Mr. Kennedy congratulations on his election. Mr. Kennedy sent him a bronze medal commemorating the ceremony.
    Lieutenant Kennedy's conduct won him the Purple Heart and the Navy and Marine Corps Medal with a citation from Adm. William F. Halsey that paid tribute to "his courage, endurance and excellent leadership in keeping with the highest traditions of the United States Naval Service."
    But his career with the PT boats quickly ended. He contracted malaria. His weight dropped to 125 pounds. He was suffering some pain from the aggravation of his old back injury.
    In December, 1943, he was sent back to the United States.
    Mr. Kennedy still hoped for more active duty and thought he might be sent to the Mediterranean. But he was not well and late in the spring of 1944 he entered Chelsea Naval Hospital, near Boston.
    Almost a year to the day after his adventure in the South Pacific the Kennedy family was gathered at Hyannis Port when two priests appeared and asked to see Joseph P. Kennedy Sr.
    Joseph Jr. had been reported missing in action. Beginning in September, 1943, Joseph had flown combat duty with a Liberator bomber squadron attached to the British Coastal Command.
    By July, 1944, after a second tour of duty, Joseph had orders to go home when he learned about and volunteered for an experimental mission called "Project Anvil."
    The plan was to load a Liberator with 22,000 pounds of TNT, take it into the air with a pilot and co-pilot and then fix its flight controls on a course for the German V-2 rocket bases. The pilot and co-pilot would then parachute to safety.
    On Aug. 12, 1944, Joseph Jr. and Lieut. Wilford J. Willy of Fort Worth, took off in the robot plane with two control planes accompanying them. About 6:20 P.M., as the plane coast, it blew up. The two pilots were instantly killed.
    The death of Joseph Jr. at the age of 29 was but the first of a series of tragedies to strike the Kennedys. Less than four weeks later, on Sept. 10, 1944, the British War Office announced the death in action in France of Lord Hartington. He was the husband of Kathleen, oldest of the Kennedy girls and the only member of the family to marry outside the Roman Catholic Church.
    Kathleen and Lord Hartington were married at the Chelsea Registry Office, London, in early May, 1944. She herself became the second member of the Kennedy family to die when, in May, 1948, she was killed in the crash of a small private plane in France.
    John Kennedy remained in the hospital near Boston for a disk operation on his back. Finally, thin and in far from robust health, he appeared before a Navy board and was mustered out of service. His military career was at an end. His civilian life opened ahead of him.


    Death of Brother in War Thrust Kennedy Into Career of Politics

    The Associated Press
    President John F. Kennedy RELATED ARTICLE
  • Kennedy Concentrated on Domestic Issues After Showdown Over Cuba in '62
  • Book on 'Courage' and '56 Convention Role Put Kennedy on Road to White House
  • Kennedy Boyhood and Youth Were Often a Tale of Sharp Rivalry of 2 Brothers
  • Coconut Shell in the White House Recalled Rescue in World War II
  • Death of Brother in War Thrust Kennedy Into Career of Politics

  • ust as I went into politics because Joe died, if anything happened to me tomorrow, my brother Bobby would run for my seat in the Senate. And if Bobby died Teddy would take over for him." So John F. Kennedy once described his decision to enter politics. Early in 1945, John Kennedy was working for The International News Service as a special correspondent. He covered some important events, including the Potsdam Conference and the founding conference of the United Nations in San Francisco.
    But he did not appear to have made up his mind about his career. By this time, however, he was seriously considering entering politics.
    For this decision his father, Joseph P. Kennedy Sr., has taken full credit. He told an interviewer in 1957:
    "I got Jack into politics. I was the one. I told him Joe was dead and that it was therefore his responsibility to run for Congress. He didn't want to do it. He felt he didn't have the ability and he still feels that way. But I told him he had to do it."
    Journalism 'Too Passive' That was not the way President Kennedy remembered it. He said he had been attracted strongly to journalism, but finally concluded that "it was too passive."
    "We all liked politics," he said, "but Joe seemed a natural to run for office. Obviously, you can't have a whole mess of Kennedys asking for votes. So when Joe was denied his chance, I wanted to run and was glad I could.
    By a quirk of political fortune, James Michael Curley, long a dominant figure in Boston politics, was vacating the Congressional seat in the Eleventh District in 1946. Mr. Curley, a political enemy of both of John Kennedy's grandfathers--Patrick J. Kennedy and John F. Fitzgerald--was about to become Mayor of Boston.
    Thus, it was in the old Eleventh District that John Kennedy first tried his political fortunes.
    The district included East Boston, where John Kennedy's father was born. It included the North End, where his mother, Rose, and her father, John F. Fitzgerald, had been born. It included Cambridge, where the Kennedys had gone to Harvard.
    It was a great district for a young Kennedy to run in--except for one thing.
    No Roots in Boston John Kennedy had no roots there, or hardly any roots in Boston. He had been born and spent a few childhood years in Brookline. He had gone to college at Harvard. He had summered at Hyannis Port on Cape Cod.
    But he was not a genuine Bostonian. He had kept a Boston address--the Bellevue Hotel, next door to the State House, where his grandfather maintained rooms.
    Regardless of any handicaps, John Kennedy got into the race with all he had. He was still yellow from the atabrine he had taken to combat malaria picked up in war service in the South Pacific. He was only 28 years old and looked about 21. He was scrawny and he was shy about meeting people.
    But he had determination. He had the Kennedy name and the Kennedy money. He also had a rapidly growing group of fervent supporters, built around his family and his friends of prep school, college and Navy days. Mr. Kennedy started campaigning early in the year for the June primary. If he was inept about treating the boys in the East Boston saloons he proved to be one of the most energetic campaigners the Eleventh District had ever seen.
    And his organization began to grow, turning his headquarters at 122 Bowdoin Street into a bustling political center.
    War Record Cited Mr. Kennedy ran largely on his war record. Reprints of articles about his exploits in the South Pacific were widely circulated.
    On Election Day, Mr. Kennedy swamped his opponents.
    His political career was now fairly launched and he won the final election without difficulty in November. In January, 1947 he presented himself at the House of Representatives.
    He was 29 years old but so boyish in appearance that he was often mistaken for a college student. He had a shy smile, a great shock of hair and a thin but wiry frame.
    Mr. Kennedy served three terms in the House. His record was not spectacular but his votes usually were on the liberal side.
    He demonstrated flashes of independence, such as in his refusal to kowtow to Representative John W. McCormack, long-time leader of the Massachusetts Democratic delegation.
    He also fought the American Legion for its opposition to housing projects, declaring that Legion "hasn't had a constructive thought since 1918."
    Meantime, Mr. Kennedy was beginning to focus his eye on wider horizons. He had considered running for the Senate in 1948 against Leverett Saltonstall, but, after weighing the prospects, decided against it.
    His chance came in 1952 when Gov. Paul A. Dever decided not to run for the Senate against Henry Cabot Lodge. Senator Lodge was a redoubtable candidate.
    Once more the Kennedy family turned out in force to campaign. John Kennedy's brother, Robert, 27, was his campaign director. His sisters, Jean, Eunice and Patricia, went from door to door, poured tea and presided over coffee hours. His mother also took a leading part.
    During the later part of the campaign an old back injury bothered Mr. Kennedy and he was forced to make appearances on crutches. But there was always a Kennedy to substitute for another Kennedy.
    Confident of Victory The year 1952 was the year of the Eisenhower landslide. But Mr. Kennedy felt confident of victory.
    His confidence was well founded. He defeated Mr. Lodge by 1,211,984 votes to 1,141,247- -a margin of 70,000--while the Republican Presidential ticket won in Massachusetts by 208,800 votes.
    It was 36 years since John Kennedy's grandfather, Mr. Fitzgerald, had been defeated by Henry Cabot Lodge's grandfather of the same name, in the United States Senatorial election.
    Mr. Kennedy's first years in the Senate were marked by three major events--one personal, one political and one physical.
    The personal event was his marriage. In 1951 he first met Jacqueline Lee Bouvier, then 21 and a student at George Washington University. She was the daughter of Mr. and Mrs. John V. Bouvier 3d, who were divorced. She was brought up in New York and Washington, attended Vassar College and the Sorbonne in Paris and was a Roman Catholic.
    Miss Bouvier was a striking young woman with soft, abundant hair, modulated voice and an independent, inquisitive mind.
    Although Mr. Kennedy was instantly attracted to the dark, slender girl, it was months before he saw much of her. They met just on the eve of his Senate campaign. Not until he returned to Washington in 1953 as a Senator did the courtship begin in earnest.
    They were married on Sept. 12, 1953, at St. Mary's Roman Catholic Church in Newport. The Most Reverend Richard J. Cushing, then Archbishop of the Archdiocese of Boston and later a Cardinal, performed the ceremony.
    Meanwhile, Mr. Kennedy's back was giving him new difficulty. The trouble grew worse. On Oct. 21, 1954, he entered Manhattan's Hospital for Special Surgery and underwent a double fusion of spinal discs in a long, difficult operation.
    The operation was not altogether successful. He was in the hospital until late December. After a brief vacation, he had another operation in mid-February, 1955.
    The most frequent rumor was that he suffered from Addison's disease, a serious malfunctioning of the adrenal glands. He had experienced some malfunctioning of the adrenals because of his wartime malaria. But after his critical back operations his health soon built back to the typically vigorous Kennedy level.
    Against the background of these personal events a major political crisis occurred. This was once again on the subject of McCarthyism, a word given to the activities of Senator Joseph R. McCarthy of Wisconsin, a crusader against communism.
    Course Is Cautious Senator Kennedy had, in effect, evaded the McCarthy issue in his campaign of 1952. But now as the Wisconsin Senator's activities impinged more and more on the national scene and sentiment rose in the Senate for curbing Mr. McCarthy's activities, the question of Mr. Kennedy's position came to the fore.
    As the issue was drawn tighter Senator Kennedy continued to steer a cautious course in correspondence with his constituents and in public speeches.
    Senator Kennedy did vote against Mr. McCarthy on certain issues. He voted for confirmation of James B. Conant as Ambassador to West Germany and Charles E. Bohlen as Ambassador to the Soviet Union, two appointments opposed by Mr. McCarthy.
    But the direct issue of Senate censure of Mr. McCarthy was building up rapidly. Mr. Kennedy decided to vote for censure--but on the narrow technical ground that Mr. McCarthy had jeopardized the dignity and honor of the Senate.
    Senator Kennedy prepared a speech outlining his views. But he never delivered it and he was not in the Senate when the censure issue arose. When the vote on the censure was taken on Dec. 2, 1954, and Mr. McCarthy's power was checked by a 67-to-22 vote of the Senate, Mr. Kennedy was "absent by leave of the Senate because of illness." He was still recuperating from back surgery.
    This was not the end of the matter, however. The question of Mr. Kennedy's attitude toward Mr. McCarthy and McCarthyism was to persist through his broadening political career. As late as 1959, the satirists of the Washington Press Club sang at a Gridiron dinner:
    "Where you were, John,
    Where were you, John,
    When the Senate censored Joe?"


    On This Day
    November 23, 1963

    Kennedy Concentrated on Domestic Issues After Showdown Over Cuba in '62

    The Administration of John F. Kennedy was marked by a breathless series of major events-- the abortive Bay of Pigs invasion, the Berlin Wall, riots at the University of Mississippi and other places in the battle for civil rights, and the Cuban showdown.
    But from the moment Premier Khrushchev announced the dismantling of the missile bases and withdrawal of the missiles from Cuba in October, 1962, a period of comparative relaxation in cold war tensions began, a tranquil time internationally that was only mildly disturbed by incidents such as the recent arrest and release of Prof. Frederick C. Barghoorn.
    For 13 months the nation has been living without fear of imminent war. In this period the President was able to turn his main attention to domestic issues such as civil rights and the lagging economy, issues he had made part of his program from the beginning.
    Tone Set at Inaugural Mr. Kennedy's inaugural address was only 1,355 words long--one of the shorter introductory messages of recent American Presidents.
    "Now the trumpet summons us again," he declared, "not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need--not as a call to battle, though embattled we are--but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle year in and year out, 'rejoicing in hope, patient in tribulation'--a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease and war itself."
    And in what probably became his most celebrated passage, he implored:
    "And so, my fellow Americans: ask not what America will do for you--ask what you can do for your country."
    Polls showed that his popularity declined somewhat as a result of Administration support for militant civil-rights leaders. President Kennedy himself said he expected a close race in 1964.
    Yet his Administration received a heartening vote of confidence in the Congressional elections of 1962.
    Normally, the Congressional forces of the party in power are cut sharply in the mid-term elections. But in 1962 the Democrats broke the jinx, adding four Senate seats. They lost four seats in the House but this was only a fraction of the usual off-year loss. And among the new Democrats in the House were many liberals.
    The President's handling of the Cuban crisis was a major factor in the upset victory. Republicans groaned: "We were Cubanized."
    Races for Governor Lost But not all the news was good. A jarring disappointment was the defeat of Democratic candidates for Governor in four big states: New York, Pennsylvania, Ohio and Michigan. Nelson Rockefeller easily won re-election in New York; Representative William W. Scranton was elected Governor in Pennsylvania; George Romney won in Michigan and James A. Rhodes won in Ohio.
    This lineup contained three prospects for the Republican Presidential nomination: Governors Rockefeller, Scranton and Romney. So far only Governor Rockefeller has declared his candidacy.
    The President's popularity according to the Gallup poll, reached a crest in 1961, following the attempt to invade Cuba, when his approval rating was 83 per cent, and sank to 57 per cent in October of this year. Two weeks ago the poll indicated a slight rise: 59 per cent approved of the job Mr. Kennedy was doing as President.
    The November poll showed that the President enjoyed his greatest popularity among Roman Catholics, Negroes and Jews and with younger adults. There was strong anti- Kennedy sentiment in the South.
    The President's legislative program was having an exceptionally difficult time in Congress, and the lack of results on major items reduced his popular support.
    He had begun the year with a sweeping and ambitious program. But at his last White House news conference, a week ago, he publicly accepted what had become a foregone conclusion: the legislative achievements of this session of Congress would be among the most meager ever.
    Congress, bogged down on routine appropriation matters, had not yet taken up the civil rights bill. Other items on the President's program that were still languishing were education, mental health and health insurance for the aged under Social Security. The Administration's tax bill, promising lower taxes as a stimulus to economic recovery, passed the House Sept. 25 but stalled in the Senate Finance Committee.
    There was little hope that controversial issues such as civil rights and taxes would come to a final test before next summer, on the eve of the national conventions, and their impact on the Presidential campaign was expected to be heavy.
    The President was especially exasperated at the slashing of his foreign aid bill. At his news conference, the President described the Senate's treatment of the bill as "the worst attack on foreign aid. . .since the beginning of the Marshall Plan."
    On Nov. 15, the Senate passed a $3.7 billion aid bill, an amount $800 million less than the President had requested.
    House More Hostile The House was even more hostile, and cut the President's program by $1 billion. There seemed little possibility that a money bill for much more than $3 billion would emerge from conference.
    Critics assailed the President, saying that more vigorous leadership was necessary to persuade Congress that the cuts would be catastrophic.
    President Kennedy had promised to reinvigorate the domestic economy, to "get the country moving again." Today the nation is at a peak of affluence. Yet unemployment remains above 5.5 per cent. The President worried over regions that lagged behind the rest of the nation.
    In April he appointed an Appalachian Regional Commission, which is now drawing up a massive program of Federal aid for a ten-state swath of chronic poverty running from the Pocono Mountains of Pennsylvania to northern Alabama.
    His relations with the business community had improved considerably since the spring of 1962, when he raised hackles by forcing the steel companies to hold the price line. At that time he made a withering attack on United States Steel and other leading corporations, which had increased steel prices $6 a ton.
    The President called the price rise "a wholly unjustifiable and irresponsible defiance of the public interest." Privately, he called the industry leaders "sons of bitches."
    Big Steel backed down. Last spring, when business was good and profits at record levels, steel announced modest price increases on selected items. This time the industry drew White House praise for "restraint."
    Crisis in Mississippi What was to be his last attempt to woo business was Monday in a speech to the Florida chamber of Commerce in Tampa. He sought support for the tax-cut by assuring business leaders he was not anti-business. He reminded businessmen that corporate profits were at an "all-time high," and denied that Democrats sought to "soak the rich."
    The civil rights front became grimmer suddenly in the late months of 1962. In October, a Negro named James Meredith, grandson of a slave and a nine-year veteran of the Air Force, sought to register at the University of Mississippi.
    The university town of Oxford was torn by rioting. A mob, harangued by former Maj. Gen. Edwin A. Walker, who had flown from Dallas, attacked United States marshals who were guarding Mr. Meredith.
    Gov. Ross Barnett pleaded with the President by telephone: "Get Meredith off the campus. . .I can't protect him."
    "Listen, Governor," the President shouted, "we're not moving anybody anywhere until order is restored. . . . You are not discharging your responsibility, Governor. . . . There is no sense in talking any more until you do your duty. . . . There are lives in jeopardy. . . . I'm not in a position to do anything, to make any deals, to discuss anything until law and order is restored and the lives of the people are protected. Good-by."
    President Kennedy slammed down the phone. He ordered Federal troops into Oxford.
    Governor Barnett was charged with contempt. But the White House feared that the arrest of Governor Barnett might trigger violence throughout the South. So the Governor was considered to have purged himself of contempt by allowing Mr. Meredith on the campus.
    Bombings in Birmingham The victory for integration at Oxford cost one life, that of a reporter. Disorders in Birmingham followed.
    Birmingham had been plagued by bombings, all with racial overtones, since World War II. On Sunday morning, Sept. 15, 1963, a dynamite explosion shook the 16th Street Baptist Church in Birmingham's downtown Negro section. When the smoke cleared, rescuers found the bodies of four girls beneath a pile of debris. Their teacher had just dismissed them after a lesson on "The Love That Forgives."
    President Kennedy called the affair a consequence of the "public disparagement of law and order." He appeared to mean Alabama's Governor, George C. Wallace, a segregationist who had tried to bloc integration at the University of Alabama in Tuscaloosa.
    The President named a two man committee, Kenneth C. Royall, former Secretary of the Army, and Earl H. Blaik, a former West Point football coach, to try to reconcile the white and Negro communities of Birmingham.
    The President had promised a broad civil rights program. But he was forced to appeal for a softening of a bill drafted by a bipartisan group of Northern liberals in the House. He felt the bill ranged so widely as to risk defeat.
    This action irritated civil rights groups. But the watered-down bill, as drafted by the House Judiciary Committee in late October, was still considered the broadest civil rights program ever recommended to Congress.


    Book on 'Courage' and '56 Convention Role Put Kennedy on Road to White House

    Volume Written During '55 Illness
    Drive for Vice-Presidency a Year Later Failed but Brought Wide Publicity

    The Associated Press
    President John F. Kennedy RELATED ARTICLE
  • Kennedy Concentrated on Domestic Issues After Showdown Over Cuba in '62
  • Book on 'Courage' and '56 Convention Role Put Kennedy on Road to White House
  • Kennedy Boyhood and Youth Were Often a Tale of Sharp Rivalry of 2 Brothers
  • Coconut Shell in the White House Recalled Rescue in World War II
  • Death of Brother in War Thrust Kennedy Into Career of Politics

  • he precise moment when John Fitzgerald Kennedy determined to run for the Presidency of the United States may never be determined. Some historians feel that a campaign for the Presidency was implicit in John Kennedy's decision late in 1945 to embark upon a political career.
    They point out that he took over, in effect, the projected ambitions of his late brother, Joseph P. Kennedy Jr., whose intention to try for the President had been explicit as early as his college days at Harvard.
    To some, the Kennedy ambition for the Presidency stemmed from a frustrated drive originally possessed by Joseph P. Kennedy Sr., and transmitted by him first to his son Joe and then to his son Jack.
    Whatever the influence of these psychological factors may have been upon John Kennedy, it seems certain that his decision to make a bid for the highest American political honors stemmed from his own year of deep crisis, 1954 to 1955.
    Surgery on Back He spent most of that period in and out of hospital beds. He underwent surgery several times at grave risk of his life to correct his chronic and painful back injury.
    During almost the whole period he was away from Washington, he was out of the mainstream of political life, isolated from ordinary affairs and in a position to think deeply about himself and about questions of human and political philosophy.
    John Kennedy did not spend his months of illness and recuperation in idleness. He turned his mind and his interest to a task that intimately linked his personal and political interests. This was the writing of the book that he published in 1956 under the title "Profiles in Courage."
    Before he picked up the political mantle of his brother Joe, John Kennedy had been headed for a career as a writer. He had dabbled in journalism and had written many articles for periodicals. And on the eve of World War II he had turned his college political science thesis into a widely read book called "Why England Slept." This was an analysis of the Baldwin-Chamberlain era that led England down the Munich staircase into World War II.
    Wrote Studies in Courage Then, just as the surgeons fused the injured discs of his spine, so he fused his literary and political aspirations and produced a study of notable examples of political courage in America. John Quincy Adams, Daniel Webster, Edmund Ross, George W. Norris, Sam Houston, Thomas Hart Benton, Robert A. Taft--these were some of the men whose lives Mr. Kennedy incorporated in his study.
    Many vehicles have launched public men onto the stage of national politics. But seldom has the instrument been a bestselling collection of historical biographies. But such was the case with John Kennedy.
    "Profiles in Courage" lifted him into a special category--a category of statesmanship and scholarship beyond the reach of most men in politics. It served a more subtle purpose as well. For in the process of writing about the great and brave men of American politics Mr. Kennedy acquired a stature and fiber of political philosophy that he had not had before.
    His book won a Pulitzer Prize in biography in 1957. And this honor helped lift him, in public-opinion polls, into a leading position among Presidential possibilities.
    There was one discordant note connected with the book. Rumors circulated that it had been ghost-written by his close friend and intimate political aide, Theodore C. Sorenson. Warnings by Senator Kennedy that he would sue for libel and slander finally halted the circulation of the rumors.
    He returned to Washington on May 23, 1955, not completely recuperated from his operations. It was early 1956 before he moved into the clear as a national figure.
    Looking 4 Years Ahead In view of his age and the general political situation--the renomination of Adlai E. Stevenson as the Democratic Presidential nominee was virtually certain--Senator Kennedy set his sights for the Vice-Presidential nomination.
    Actually, this was merely a gambit toward a possible Presidential nomination four years hence. He wanted the advertising and political experience of a bid for a Vice-Presidential nomination. He would have liked the nomination but a brisk fight for it was almost as useful to his purposes.
    In the end, after numerous ups and downs and a few moments of coming close, Senator Kennedy did not make it. He took the spotlight at the Democratic convention, placing Mr. Stevenson in nomination.
    Mr. Stevenson then threw the race for the Vice Presidency open. There was a scramble between Senators Kennedy and Estes Kefauver of Tennessee. On the second ballot, Mr. Kennedy led 618 to 551�. But on the third ballot Mr. Kefauver swamped Mr. Kennedy.
    Four years of intensive political activity and organization lay ahead of Senator Kennedy before his Presidential ambitions could be achieved.
    Mr. Kennedy turned full time attention to Presidential politics. He stumped 26 states for Mr. Stevenson in 1956.
    Then, in 1957, he began to build a national legislative record. He criticized the level of ambassadorial appointments of the Eisenhower Administration. He backed aid for Poland and for India. He called for the independence of Algeria. He published incisive critiques of United States foreign policy in the quarterly "Foreign Affairs." He warned of a missile gap.
    Domestic Course Difficult In domestic policy he steered a difficult course. He compromised on features of civil rights legislation, drawing criticism from the left. He backed better budgeting and fiscal housekeeping. He fought for moderate labor reform.
    And he tucked away an indispensable demonstration of his live political appeal. In 1958 he ran for a second term for the United States Senate. It was a rough, tough campaign in which Mr. Kennedy first had to clear away some minor roadblocks put in his path by dissident Democrats in Massachusetts.
    The biggest winning margin ever to be piled up by a candidate in Massachusetts had been achieved by Leverett Saltonstall in 1944. He won his Senate race that year with a majority of 561,668 votes.
    Mr. Kennedy's enthusiasts hoped that he might make as good a showing. He did--and a good deal better. His margin was 874,608, the biggest in history and the biggest margin any Senatorial candidate in the United States won by in 1958.
    From that time forward Presidential politics seemed almost completely to preoccupy Senator Kennedy. He was constantly on the go, appearing in every part of the country.
    Aided by Seasoned Staff Behind him he had a small but well organized and seasoned political staff. It was built around the Kennedy family. John was running for the Presidency. But it was still a clan operation.
    Always there were some Kennedys traveling with him on the plane. His brother Robert was campaign manager. His principal aides were the old team--the group of close friends and associates he had gathered over the years, dating back to preparatory school days, plus a few acquired in his Washington years.
    The key members of his organization were Lawrence F. O'Brien, experienced in Boston political battles; Kenneth P. O'Donnell, a Harvard football star and Boston political pro; Mr. Sorenson, who had become virtually a Kennedy alter ego in the years of his Senate service; Timothy J. Reardon Jr., who had roomed with Joseph Kennedy Jr., at Harvard; Torbert H. MacDonald, by now a United States Representative from Massachusetts; Francis X. Morrissey, another Boston pro, and others of this type.
    A suite of offices was rented in the Esso Building in Washington, just under the brow of Capitol Hill--and the Kennedy campaign was moving fast.
    The first task was to obtain the nomination. Senator Kennedy chose to go after that by competing in the primaries. This pitted him in two major contests with Senator Hubert H. Humphrey of Minnesota--first in Wisconsin in February and then in West Virginia in April.
    Senators Kennedy and Humphrey campaigned in Wisconsin for a month, running up and down the state through bitter cold and winter snowstorms.
    Mr. Kennedy won the state but Mr. Humphrey put up a good showing--good enough so that the coalescing opposition to Mr. Kennedy within the Democratic party could raise questions about his vote-getting ability in the Middle West.
    Religious Issue Grew Senator Kennedy had picked the Wisconsin primary boldly. He wanted to demonstrate two things--his ability to run well in the agricultural Middle West and his ability to overcome the "Catholic issue."
    Although Mr. Kennedy had been in political life for nearly fifteen years, the issue of his religion loomed larger than ever when he entered openly upon his Presidential course. For overhanging the prospects of a Roman Catholic candidate was the long memory of the religious turmoil raised by the candidacy of Alfred E. Smith, a Catholic Democrat, who ran a disastrous race against Herbert Hoover in 1928.
    Senator Kennedy was determined to meet the religious issue head-on. Indeed, he seemed to seek opportunities to emphasize his belief in the traditional separation of church and state and of the right of a Catholic to political equality with a non-Catholic.
    Victory Over Humphrey With the indecisiveness of the Wisconsin primary leaving these questions somewhat unsettled, Senators Kennedy and Humphrey were rematched in the West Virginia primary. Here for the first time Mr. Kennedy fought the religious issue out from one end of the state to another. And here he encountered voters who were hard-bitten in their opposition to any candidate of the Catholic faith.
    There were many predictions that Mr. Kennedy might be defeated because of anti-Catholic prejudice among the voters or that he might just squeak through. But to the surprise of his own staff he won a big victory--a commanding success that drove Mr. Humphrey out of the Presidential competition and was hailed by the Kennedy supporters as conclusive evidence that the omen of the Al Smith defeat in 1928 no longer overhung his campaign chances.
    From that time on the Kennedy bandwagon picked up overwhelming momentum.
    By the time the Democratic National Convention opened in Los Angeles in July, experienced political observers were certain that Mr. Kennedy had put together a winning combination even though Senator Lyndon B. Johnson of Texas was still openly in the field against him and Mr. Stevenson still hoped for a third nomination.
    But the hopes of Mr. Johnson and Mr. Stevenson were dependent upon holding the line with sufficient favorite-son candidates to prevent the Kennedy nomination on the first ballot. It was a hopeless task.
    The big Democratic states had begun to line up behind Senator Kennedy. Gov. David L. Lawrence of Pennsylvania, Mayor Richard S. Daley of Chicago and most of the New York State delegation swung in behind Mr. Kennedy. He won easily on the first ballot. Senator Kennedy moved swiftly to heal the breaches in the party. He asked and got Mr. Johnson's acceptance as his running mate. Mr. Stevenson introduced Mr. Kennedy for the acceptance speech. The stage was set for the final drive for the Presidency.
    Campaign Intensified From the moment that Vice President Richard M. Nixon was made the Republican candidate, it was apparent that he and Mr. Kennedy would wage vigorous campaigns. Each proposed to utilize all of the technological devices of the new age to present themselves to the electorate.
    Each scheduled heavy programs of television time. Each utilized the jet airplane to carry out dazzling schedules, which whisked him from one end of the country to another. For the first time, with the admission of Hawaii and Alaska into the Union, the candidates had 50 rather than 48 states to campaign in.
    The major innovation of the campaign, however, was not the jet airplane. It was the national television debate of the Presidential candidates.
    During the West Virginia Presidential primary Mr. Kennedy and Mr. Humphrey met in a television debate and as early as the Wisconsin primary the Kennedy strategists had discussed the possibility of national television debates if the Senator won the nomination.
    However, the initiative for the Presidential campaign debates came from the national television networks, which had long been interested in trying such a procedure. After considerable consultation by the broadcaster and representatives of each candidate, a series of four debates was agreed upon.
    The first of the four debates, conducted on Sept. 26 in Chicago, proved, in retrospect, to be by far the most important. Indeed, when the election was over many observers felt that this encounter had been the turning point of the campaign.
    It was not so much a clash of issues at the first debates as a contrast of personalities.
    Kennedy partisans credited this debate with clearing away two major issues that had been raised against their candidate. The first was the issue of youth, inexperience and immaturity, which the Republicans had planned to make a cornerstone of their campaign.
    But after the first and subsequent debates, the Republicans conceded, the issue lost most of its bite because Senator Kennedy presented himself to the national audience as an assured, mature figure with a wealth of specific information about government and policy at his finger tips.
    The second handicap removed by the television debates was the fact that Mr. Kennedy was less widely known than Mr. Nixon.
    Nixon Seemed Nervous The Vice President had been on the national stage continuously for eight years. Mr. Kennedy had been campaigning vigorously for four, but there was no doubt that he still lagged behind in the public awareness. After the debates, this disadvantage was eliminated.
    There was a third factor of major consequence involved in the initial television appearance. In this debate, Mr. Nixon appeared thin, tired, nervous. He looked below par physically. In contrast, Mr. Kennedy was ebullient and self-confident and radiated health and energy.
    The religious issue refused to be put down in the campaign. Mr. Kennedy was compelled to return to it again and again.
    However, the climax of these efforts occurred early in the campaign when he appeared before a group of Protestant ministers in Houston, Tex.
    The group was notably hostile to him and apparently convinced that a Catholic could not act with independence and freedom in the White House.
    Confronts Accused Mr. Kennedy confronted his accusers in a dramatic hour-long session, which was televised nationally and rerun again and again in areas in which religious prejudices were known to be high.
    The high point of his presentation was a declaration that he would resign the office of the Presidency if he ever thought that his religious beliefs would not permit him to make a decision in the national interest.
    Mr. Kennedy relied upon virtually ceaseless physical activity. He campaigned all day long by airplane in long trips from one coast to another. Then he set up late night campaign meetings and tours that sometimes seemed to turn night into day--as in the case of a notable foray into Connecticut, which began at 12:30 A.M. and went on until nearly to 4 A.M. the following day.
    By Nov. 8, Election Day, each candidate had traveled more thousands of miles than any of his predecessors in American political history. Each had spoken more times and to more millions of people than any candidate before.
    Await the Returns Mr. Kennedy wound up his campaign on home territory. He spent the Monday before election in a whirlwind tour of New England, culminating in a rally in his old Boston territory. He was up early in the morning to vote in Boston and then went to his home in Hyannis Port, Mass. to wait for results.
    In Hyannis Port the whole Kennedy family was gathered--Mr. Kennedy's wife, awaiting the birth of their second child (the youngster, John F. Kennedy Jr., was born Nov. 25), his parents, his brother Robert and all the rest of the brothers, sisters, in-laws and children.
    As they awaited for the returns to come in, the family, in the old tradition, played touch football on the lawn and demonstrated that not all the Kennedy energy had been exhausted in the election campaign. That is, all played football, except for the Senator's wife, Jacqueline. She went for a long walk, alone, along the sandy beach.
    Twenty-four hours later, on the morning of Nov. 9, Mr. Nixon conceded the election to Mr. Kennedy--after one of the closest votes in recent national history.

    2013年11月28日 星期四

    Silvio Berlusconi , Vo Nguyen Giap, 1911-2013 武元甲

    Silvio Berlusconi, a former prime minister of Italy, was cast out of the Senate on November 27th, following his conviction for tax fraud. As a result, Italy's longest-serving prime minister since the second world war, a man who has dominated the public life of his country for more than 20 years, no longer has parliamentary immunity http://econ.st/1iW4X6h

    Senate Panel Votes to Stri, p Berlusconi of His Seat

    The expulsion vote against Silvio Berlusconi represents his second setback of the week, after his failed attempt to bring down the country’s fragile coalition government.

    Silvio Berlusconi



    Vo Nguyen Giap, 1911-2013

    Relentless General Who Won 2 Vietnam Wars
    General Giap, who helped drive the United States and France from Vietnam, was later regarded as an elder statesman with softened views. He was thought to be 102.

    Vo Nguyen Giap
    Võ Nguyên Giáp was a General of the Vietnam People's Army and a politician. Giáp was a principal commander in two wars: the First Indochina War and the Vietnam War. Wikipedia
     武元甲越南語Võ Nguyên Giáp,1911年8月25日-2013年10月4日)是越南共產黨越南民主共和國越南社會主義共和國越南人民軍的主要締造者和領導人之一。越南人民軍大將,參與指揮法越戰爭越南戰爭的功臣,號稱「紅色拿破崙[1]圖哈切夫斯基也曾擁有相同稱號)。曾任越南國防部長、政治局委員等職。









    • 塞西爾·柯瑞著,朱立熙譯,《勝利,不惜一切代價——二十世紀軍事奇才武元甲傳》,台北:商周,1999。

    東海的人與書 (ii):孫康宜、唐香燕,陳忠信,彭淮棟,諾伯特、艾芙琳

    東海的人與書 (11)


    前幾天才拿到紙本的《New York迷!紐約不完全攻略手冊》《解構。紐約:百老匯X特色建築X設計店家X公共藝術X博物館之旅》。

    我只去過紐約市數天 (1992),受同學康定怡夫婦 (1976建築-1975音樂)的招待。


    諾伯特、艾芙琳分別是東海工業設計系和食品科技系的畢業生 (約1994/1995) 。他們合作的紐約導引書的確很可參考:



    諾伯特、艾芙琳《New York迷!紐約不完全攻略手冊》台北: :創意市集,2012



    彭淮棟先生 (著名譯者) 2013

    東海的人與書 (10)
    彭淮棟先生 (著名譯者)
    「介紹一下彭淮棟17屆外文系吧! 他好像一直在聯合報體系,翻譯很多書,有幸和他同寢室1年,學了很多」......

     彭淮棟,1953年生, 新竹縣竹東鎮人,東海大學外文系畢業,台灣大學外文研究所肄業,曾任出版公司編輯,現任某晚報編譯。
    他翻譯的多是重要思想家和文學家,譬如說邁克爾·博蘭尼(Michael Polanyi) 《意義》等以撒.柏林《俄國思想家》《現實意義》Said 的《鄉關何處:薩依德回憶錄》和《音樂的極境:薩依德音樂評論集》安伯托‧艾可(Umberto Eco《美的歷史》等等Thomas Mann《魔山》Williams, R. (1966), 《文化與社會》……. (這些書目詳後)
    他在大學時就會投稿約: 1974年,彭先生翻譯的音樂文章在《音與音響》月刊發表,稿費好,很鼓勵人。再過約15年, 張繼高先生主持 美國新聞與世界報導》週刊,彭先生掛名"副社長"。他跟我說張先生的一些行事 ,包刮稿費從不會怠慢,因為他體諒人。張繼高 (吳心柳)主張,要做大事,一定要讀大書。

    我與彭淮棟先生的關係比較親近。他結婚之初新聞周刊才創立不久,我們與創辦人都有聚會過。許多年後,我託人從德國買『歌德的義大利之旅』的德文版送他,所以 對於他日後『談歌德的慾望』(聯合文學)不太會意外。我印象中他還翻譯過一本Fyodor Dostoyevsky:的書,待查。
    彭淮棟先生說《顧頡剛讀書日記》是好書, 可惜我未買……我也請他翻譯過《熱愛品質》(Quality Is Still Free)。

    Thomas Mann湯馬斯.曼《魔山》 彭淮棟譯 臺北市:遠景,1979/19886---這本是他的處男譯作,從英譯本轉譯,便宜賣掉。

    Michael Polanyi & Harry Prosch
    1974/1984) 《意義*(MEANING),彭淮棟(譯),台北:聯經,1984

    Williams, R. (1966), 《文化與社會》( Culture and Society 1780-1950. London: Penguin.,)
    彭淮棟譯, 台北: 聯經. 1985

    Polanyi, M.

    聯經出版公司(72)出版過一套牛津大學出版的學術人物短論,;彭淮棟翻譯了《紐曼》;霍姆斯(Richard Holmes)著《柯立芝/,;《喬治艾略特》--??(查德威克/彭淮棟/Chadwick Owen/ 1984, 140.8 8454 v.20, BOOK. 8,艾希頓/彭淮棟/Ashton Rosemary/聯經, 1985

    雷蒙.威廉士(Raymond Williams)《文化與社會: 1780 1950 年英國文化觀念之發展聯經,1985

    巴頓亞倫《南部非洲短篇小說精選》彭淮棟/圓神出版社, 1987

    Isaiah Berlin著《俄國思想家》彭淮棟譯,台北:聯經出版事業公司,1987

    邁克爾·波蘭尼(Michael Polanyi)《博藍尼講演集》彭淮棟譯聯經出版事業1989
    高迪默納丁尼(Nadine Gordimer)《我兒子的故事*》彭淮棟,九歌出版社,1992

    穆易斯《身心桃花源:當洋醫生遇見赤腳仙》/彭淮棟,張老師, 1995,
    巴塔沙.葛拉西安原著,智慧書--永恆的處世經典》台北:智庫    彭淮棟譯。1995
    此書以書信形式,授予作者三個兒子二十五條人生心得,全書望殷其子切勿忘切傳統美德人為快樂之本,在當前暴力、利益充斥的流行 風氣裡應秉持做人的道理,人生成功的標準不在消費與金錢,而在人格品性。心得25條,

    Anne Frank.安妮法蘭克《安妮的日記》 彭淮棟/譯,台北:智庫出版社,1996

    Philip B
    Crosby《熱愛品質》熱愛品質) 彭淮棟譯,華人戴明學院叢書出版,1997
    《普希金秘密日記》 彭淮棟譯,台北:聯合文學出版社有限,1999 (偽書,性史告白,事實上可視為他的性自傳)
    亞歷山大普希金《普希金的祕密日記》彭淮棟譯,聯合文學 ,1999.

    JS McClelland

    Edward W. Said薩依德《鄉關何處:薩依德回憶錄》Out of Place: A Memoir,彭淮棟譯,台北:立緒出版社,2000
    Immanuel Wallerstein伊曼努爾.華勒斯坦《自由主義之後》After Liberalism(華勒斯坦),聯經出版公司》,2001
    馬克.貝考夫(Marc Bekoff編著《動物權與動物福利小百科》,譯者-錢永祥彭淮棟陳真等,台北: 桂冠 2002
    以撒.柏林(Isaiah Berlin)著《現實意識》,彭淮棟譯,台北:臉譜出版,2004

    Bart Moore-Gilbert,《後殖民理論》,聯經,2004年初版
    安伯托‧艾可(Umberto Eco《美的歷史》台北聯經出版社2006

    安伯托‧艾可(Umberto Eco《醜的歷史》台北聯經出版社2008

    Edward W. Said 《音樂的極境:薩依德音樂評論集》Music at the Limits台北:太陽社,2009,頁257

    阿多諾(Theodor W. Adorno, 1903-1969)《貝多芬:阿多諾的音樂哲學》Beethoven: Philosophie der Musik台北:聯經出版社,2009
    阿多諾專家Rolf Tiedemann盡蒐阿多諾所遺劄記,依照劄記的內在邏輯與關係脈絡,加以組織,賦予結構,配合阿多諾生平所寫關於貝多芬的散篇文章、電台廣播,以及阿 多諾諸本成書著作中討論貝多芬的章節段落,加上不厭詳盡的注解,統合成一本理路連貫,從哲學、社會學、美學、音樂學、文學等角度觀照貝多芬的既精且博之 作。

    艾德華.薩依德(Edward W. Said)《論晚期風格:反常合道的音樂與文學》(On Late Style: Music and Literature Against the Grain)麥田出版, 2010
    安伯托‧艾可(Umberto Eco《無盡的名單》台北聯經出版社2012
    《無盡的名單》裡取材豐富地編選了讀者讀過和沒聽過的文本段落,和讀者見過與沒見過的圖畫照片,在他看來,任何名單皆不脫兩大範疇,一種是實用的,一種是 詩性的。實用的名單實有所指,上頭的項目可以盡數;詩性的名單則不一定要指涉世間實存的東西,羅列出來的事物也不一定要有其盡頭。不過,在某些特殊的時 刻,實用的名單一樣可以很詩意地去讀,使之生出美感。

    東海的人與書 (9)


    周德偉先生翻譯的《自由的憲章》(台灣銀行出版)值得一讀。周先生寫過幾篇介紹海耶克的文章也值得讀讀。通俗一點的,或許是1974年周先生在陳忠信先生邀請到東海大學講《如何以美利利天下》 (演講稿由陳先生整理發表在《東風》)

    杭之《一葦集》台北: 允晨出版, 1987
    杭之《一葦集-續篇》台北: 允晨出版, 1987

    《理性化與官僚制度 / 杭之主講 臺北市 : 社會大學文敎基金會, [86(1997)?]
    《從生態匱乏到文明價值的反省》 / 杭之主講 臺北市 : 社會大學文敎基金會, [85(1996)?]

    《邁向後美麗島的民間社會》 / 杭之著 台北市 : 唐山, 1990 [79]

    這些文章大抵可以分為兩類。一類是以報章之新聞報導為題材,就其背後所涉及的一些觀念性問題提出一些具體分析與批判,希望在價值理性的導引下,立足在未來可能之合理的生活世界空間這一更高的價值據點上,對具體現實中自覺或不自覺之習以為常的鎮制性錯誤觀念,及其所造成的扭曲事態加以揭露,進而陳示出可供我們走向更合理之未來可能世界的可能選擇。另一類是針對前一類文章之具體分析所涉及的相關論題,作較深入討論或概念釐清的文字。這兩類文章所討論的,大抵都環繞著一個主軸,即:台灣的社會在現代化發展過程所產生的社會、文化問題背後所涉及的一些觀念與價值的釐清、分析,以及批判性反思。五四以來追求現代化的努力,無論在中國大陸或台灣,最後會以怎樣的形式出現,到現在還是一個未定的問題。與此相關的一個問題是,中國傳統與現代性(Modernity)之間的關係。正如美國思想史學者史華慈(Benjamin I.Schwartz)先生一九八九年應中國社會科學院政治學研究所薛先生之邀,為“五四”七十週年所撰的一篇專文清楚地指出的,“現代性”這個觀念,在終極上、來說,並不是指某種屬於靜態的末期事態,即使在西方,現代性與西方文化傳統的關係,也仍然是一個繼續存在的問題。也許我們可以套用德國當代思想家哈伯瑪斯(J. Habermas)的話來說,現代性是一個未完成的方案。準此以觀,中國傳統與現代性之間的關係,恐怕也不是一個已經解決的問題,甚至不會是一個很快可以解決的問題。這本集子裡的文章並不是要係統地處理這些問題,它無寧只是要就著一些具體現實中的現像作具體的分析與反思。在現實上,這或可視為台灣經驗的反思斷片,在觀念上,或有助於在思考“傳統與現代性之關係”​​、“現代化努力的結果”之類問題時釐清一些問題。就這一點而言,我寫作的題材儘管是台灣社會的現實,寫作時心目中的讀者對像也是台灣社會的讀者,但在兩岸文化交流日益密切的今天,未始不可作為兩岸關切同樣問題的朋友在思想、觀念上切磋、交流的具體材料。這本集子得以在中國大陸出版,得力於一些有著共同關切的師友,謹向這些有的甚至未曾謀面的先生敬致衷心的謝意。     
    陳忠信《國家政策與批判的公共論述》台北: 明田,1997

    本書首就資本主義國家的一般特質,以及技術官僚規劃的知識基礎加以析論,次就 歷史結構的角度檢查台灣國家性質的演變,及其政策制定之間的關係;最後以公共設施保留地為個案。說明在邊陲資本主義發展的結構性脈絡中,都市問題的起因與 特質。全書之論述結構至為嚴謹,說明清晰。
    杭之第十講 崎嶇民主路:台灣民主化的過程 收入溫洽溢/主編《追尋百年崎嶇路:夜話民國12講》台北:傳記文學出版社, 2011

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    孫康宜教授/ 參考孫康宜(Kang-i Sun Chang)


    高雄女中之前就"信教" 用讀英文逃避家庭社會 (白色恐怖的犧牲者) 保送東海--畢業論文"白鯨記" 的邊緣人物之救贖》。 恩師 Anne Cochran (又可參考:
    《東海名人錄系列 東海英語教學奠基者-柯安思教授 感念 Prof. Anne Cochran文集》(1996), 後到美國普林斯頓受教 耶魯大學的師生互動

    《走出白色恐怖》台北:允晨( 2003) / 3次修增版(增益許多) 2012
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    Farewell to the White Terror, Taiwan University Press , 2005 (2007年春夏之際,給台灣大學出版社,說明英文書籍的出版,有起碼的國際規格要求(譬如說必須有索引) 否則容易貽笑八方(未獲回信)  )