2014年1月18日 星期六

蔡衍明 : 劉泰英

蔡衍明 : 報告中國國台辦主任,我們買了《中時》成為台灣首富 六四革命被我平反了

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李登輝的前人馬劉泰英、蘇進強將出任蔡衍明投資的基金會要職。圖:中央社
新頭殼newtalk2014.01.18 林朝億/台北報導

蔡衍明集團勢力又將進一步擴充,拿出5千萬元成立「旺台兩岸互信基金會」,延攬李登輝前人馬劉泰英、蘇進強兩人,並內定劉當基金會董事長、蘇任執行長;蔡衍明除掛名榮譽董事長外,也由長年親信劉洪福出任副董事長。

由蔡衍明出資的「旺台兩岸互信基金會」日前悄悄成立,並內定劉泰英任董事長;蘇進強任執行長,未來工作將透過舉辦研討會、論壇、交流活動,建立兩岸互信工作。

基金會共有5位董事,除了劉泰英、蘇進強2人外,還有3位蔡衍明人馬進駐,並內定由蔡的長年親信、神旺飯店董事劉洪福擔任副董事長。內情人士分析,除了政 府主導的基金會有設立副董事長外,一般而言,民間社團並不常設立副董事長職位,旺台基金會會由劉洪福出任副董,顯示著蔡雖禮遇劉泰英、蘇進強兩人,但還是 有意主導基金會日常運作,才會做這個人事上的安排。

劉洪福是蔡衍明核心親信,為人海派,幫蔡衍明處理五湖四海人馬。旺中媒體指控中研院副研究員黃國昌所謂「走路工」事件時,劉洪福也被發現當時也在不知名人 士抗議的現場;當年901反媒體壟斷大遊行時,劉董還站在中國時報高樓全程監視遊行活動。日前蔡衍明指定由媒體人王丰、林朝鑫規劃的「王週刊」,籌辦期間 突然喊卡,全部資遣已招募的80多人,瞭解內情士指出,就是王丰與劉洪福在經營理念上不合所致。

據了解,劉泰英跟劉洪福是舊識,他也將2011年出獄、深居簡出的劉泰英介紹給蔡衍明。而蘇進強則是由前外交部長田弘茂在某個私人餐會上介紹給蔡衍明認識。他除了曾在國家政策研究基金會任職外,近一年來,也擔任蔡衍明媒體經營上顧問。

劉泰英除了在李登輝擔任國民黨主席任內,長年主導黨營事業,被暱稱為「大掌櫃」外,也曾因新瑞都案、國安密帳捲入官司。近年來,他與李登輝往來雖不如以前 密切,但還是擔任李登輝基金會董事。基金會秘書長王燕軍受訪時表示,劉泰英出獄後,出席過一次董事會;劉是否有透過其他場合告訴李前總統,將去蔡衍明的基 金會任職,他則無法確認。

王燕軍也說,近來蘇進強曾在一個公開場合跟李登輝會晤過,他也無法確認,蘇有無藉機告訴他旺台基金會事宜。不過,王燕軍說,劉泰英、蘇進強都有其私人領域,無須再把他們看作是所謂的李登輝人馬。

至於蘇進強部分,他曾任陳水扁政府國安會諮詢委員,並於2001年台聯成立後出任首任秘書長;並於2005年接任黃主文留下的黨主席職務直到2007年。隨後也曾擔任「台灣時報」社長兼總編輯。

蔡衍明不只想要將他在國內的政經影響力擴大,成立「旺台」基金會,進一步透過劉、蘇兩人的李登輝、綠營人脈舉辦兩岸互信活動;據了解,除了日前解散王丰招 募的「王週刊」人馬後,也招募資深媒體人密集籌辦「王週刊」的發行。至於目標到底是放在年底七合一、2016年總統、立委選舉,還是要跟壹傳媒打對台,還 值得進一步觀察。


Taiwan media kingpin pushes hard on China ties

February 22, 2013
By PETER ENAV, Associated Press
TAIPEI, Taiwan (AP) — Appearing last year before Taiwanese regulators, billionaire media magnate Tsai Eng-meng appeared perplexed over a decision to fine his flagship newspaper for carrying camouflaged advertising on behalf of China's Communist government.
"I really don't understand this," said Tsai, who became Taiwan's richest individual by selling treacly rice crackers on the Chinese mainland through his Want Want China Holdings company. "I think they should allow me to make this money."
It was a vintage statement from a man Forbes magazine says is worth $8 billion and whose pro-China views have made him a lightning rod for criticism among many on this democratic island of 23 million people. Since purchasing Taiwan's China Times Group in 2008, the rough-hewn Tsai has burst like a meteor onto Taiwan's political scene, leveraging his China-derived fortune to promote a political union across the 160-kilometer- (100-mile-) wide Taiwan Strait. Despised by Taiwan's Beijing-wary opposition, the crew-cut 55-year old seems to roll effortlessly over his detractors, proudly flaunting his limited formal education and soaring business success.
Now he seems ready to roll over them again. Next month Taiwanese officials will rule on his bid to take a 32 percent share — through his son — in the Next Media Group, owned by Hong Kong's Jimmy Lai, an outspoken anti-communist reviled in Beijing. Next properties include Apple Daily, which is Taiwan's biggest selling newspaper, and Next Magazine, its pre-eminent investigative journal.
If the deal goes through, Tsai would add substantially to his existing ownership of another major newspaper, an influential business daily, a top-rated cable TV news station, and a popular terrestrial TV channel. Critics, who believe Tsai uses his media empire's consistently laudatory coverage of China to advance his mainland business interests, say this new level of clout could stifle Taiwan's press competition and even undermine its young democracy.
The controversy over Tsai and his expansive Taiwanese media holdings goes right to the heart of the dominant issue in Taiwanese politics: Whether the island should attempt to maintain the separate political identity from the mainland it has maintained since splitting apart from it amid civil war in 1949, or whether it should bow to China's increasing political and economic might and accept its sovereign sway. Taiwanese media, particularly the island's four national newspapers and its seven major 24-hour cable news stations, play a crucial role in the debate, using their columns and broadcasts to promote the competing pro-China and independence agendas of the two main political parties.
The strength of Tsai's pro-China views were underlined in January 2012 when he told the Washington Post newspaper that he unreservedly backed Taiwan's unification with the mainland. "I really hope that I can see that," he said. In the same article he also attacked the widely held belief that Chinese security forces killed hundreds if not thousands of demonstrators during pro-democracy protests around Beijing's Tiananmen Square in June 1989, citing the refusal of a phalanx of Chinese tanks to run over a famously bold protester as evidence of the forces' restraint.
Want Want's own internal newsletter reported in its December 2008 edition that during a meeting in Beijing, Tsai told Wang Yi, head of the Chinese government's Taiwan Affairs Office, that Tsai had acquired the China Times Group "in order to use the power of the press to advance relations between China and Taiwan." The newsletter quoted Wang as saying that if Tsai's company had any future needs "the Taiwan Affairs Office will do its best to help it, including giving support to its food business."
After a lengthy exchange of emails with a Tsai legal representative, Tsai declined to be interviewed for this article. Contacted by The Associated Press, his public relations department also declined to answer questions on Tsai's China attitudes and his plans for Next Media. "We do not plan on repeating ourselves again," wrote his son, Cai Shao-zhong, explaining that Tsai had outlined his views in other forums in the past.
Interviews with media figures and former employees help fill in the blanks about Tsai. They paint a picture of a hard charging, detail-oriented businessman, loyal to his friends, but implacably hostile to anyone he feels is getting in his way. They also suggest he either lacks an understanding of the role of the media in Taiwan's democracy or does not consider it important.
"My understanding of Tsai is that's he's a businessman, all his thinking is about business, and how to make money," said Ho Jung-shin, who left his job as deputy editor of Tsai's flagship China Times newspaper last year over what he said was Tsai's use of his sprawling media holdings to conduct vendettas against perceived enemies.
Ho said he was particularly upset by repeated China Times Group claims, which the group later backed away from, that a researcher at Taiwan's prestigious Academia Sinica paid university students to mount demonstrations against Tsai's efforts to purchase a major Taiwanese cable TV distribution system. Regulators on Wednesday nixed that deal, at least in its present form.
"He took this public trust and turned it into a personal tool," Ho said. "He's sees the media only as a tool to advance his own campaigns."
Other former China Times employees also lambast him for turning both the China Times newspaper and the CTi cable news station into rubber stamp apologists for China's authoritarian government. They cite a long litany of examples, including the two outlets' harsh criticism of the Dalai Lama during a 2009 Taiwan visit — Beijing reviles the Tibetan spiritual leader for allegedly promoting Tibetan independence — and the short shrift the outlets gave imprisoned Chinese dissident Liu Xiaobo when he was awarded the Nobel Peace prize in 2010.
Taiwanese newspaper columnist Antonio Chiang, a longtime Tsai acquaintance, said a key to understanding Tsai's larger than life personality is the intense pride he feels at having taken over his father's small food business as a young man in the late 1970s and building it into what is now China's largest snack food company, despite having never finished high school.
"He's always talking about how little education he had and how it didn't hurt him in the least," said Chiang, who strongly opposes Tsai's views on China. "He loves the fact that he has all these PhDs working for him and that they have to listen to what he says."
"This is a man with extremely strong will," Chiang said. "He's not very sophisticated but he's very self-controlled. And he's completely honest. What you see from him is exactly what you get."
The lack of pretense Chiang describes is reflected in Tsai's unpolished persona, which includes a shoot from the hip social style and a preference for his native Taiwanese dialect over the clipped, Mandarin Chinese employed by the better educated doyens of the Taiwanese business elite.
A 2012 Chinese language biography portrayed him as a simple man of the people, most comfortable chewing betel nut and conversing informally with food processing workers amid a hands-on management style that includes familiarity with every aspect of his business, from buying raw materials to managing production lines and kibitzing with customers.
But Chiang said that beneath Tsai's everyman personality is a single-minded approach that threatens Taiwan's free press, including the Apple Daily newspaper, Chiang's current employer, and Next Magazine, the investigative journal.
Apple, while better known for its racy diet of sex, scandal and celebrity gossip, has also been praised for its editorial independence that sets it apart from most other Taiwanese media outlets, which seem most comfortable parroting the views of one or the other of Taiwan's two main political parties.
"He ruined the China Times," Chiang said. "He can ruin Apple as well."
Tsai has also stirred controversy by taking initiatives that appear aimed at bringing Taiwan and China closer together on important foreign policy questions.
Last September, Tsai contributed five million New Taiwan dollars ($166,000) to underwrite the voyage of some 60 Taiwanese fishing vessels to an island group in the East China Sea hotly contested by China and Japan. The voyage ended in a confrontation between Japanese and Taiwanese coast guard cutters, significantly raising tensions in the area, despite the declared intention of Taiwanese President Ma Ying-jeou to avoid taking provocative actions on the sensitive island issue.

Fishermen involved in the demonstration said they were only interested in asserting their fishing rights around the Diaoyu, or Senkaku islands, and had no interest in politics, or making common cause with China. But 11 days after they returned to Taiwan, the China Times ran a hard-hitting editorial, calling on the Taiwanese government to join Beijing in pushing for Chinese sovereignty there.
Initiatives like this are feeding the belief among Tsai critics that he and other deep-pocketed Taiwanese business people are attempting to subvert the Ma government's relatively cautious China policy, which while consciously moving the island ever closer to Beijing economically, still opposes an early political union.
"These business people are definitely pushing the two sides closer together," said Ketty Chen, a Taiwanese-American academic at Taipei's National Taiwan University. "They're very influential."
Arrayed against the influence of Tsai and his pro-China allies is Taiwan's boisterous democracy and the blossoming among many Taiwanese of a political and cultural identity distinct from the mainland.
"I wouldn't sell Taiwan short," said Taiwan expert Mark Harrison of the University of Tasmania in Australia. . "It won't surrender without a fight. This battle isn't over."
Copyright 2013 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed.

2012.5.25
轉貼蔡其達先生的控訴中時集團.....
 取自: 山農木屋

May 1,2012


春祭,怎奈得暗黑鉤沉

說是人間四月天,映照的卻是艾略特(T.S.Eliot)所陳「四月是最殘忍的月份,從死去的土地裡,培育出丁香,把記憶和欲望混合在一起,用春雨攪動遲 鈍的根蒂」。兩個星期來的心緒,先是憤怒、茫然,宛如遭逢修羅場,其後失重下急覓新支點,待找著新支點,一切似又如常,心知肚明再也回不到從前。還是先從 形勢瞬間分判的那一刻談起吧! ...繼續閱讀





四月十一日,本是短暫年假小憩的首日,該晚九點零四分,乍然接獲總主筆倪炎元來電,他宣達了總管理處的指令,略謂報社基於業務重整,人力精簡之原則,將我列入裁員名單之一員,要我次日電詢人資室相關的後續作業。聞言,一股讓人欲嘔的濁血充塞胸懷,這個集團開始行動了。

次日上午十一時零九分,我電詢中時人資室黃崇明主任,想更進一步確認訊息之詳貌,孰料對方回以「所知與總主筆獲悉者同」,顯然他們不可能講真話。我再詢及 資遣何時生效,對方答以「年資加一個月,即日起就可不必進辦公室了」。換句話說,這集團亟欲除我而後快,渾然不在乎資遣理由是否符《勞動基準法》。然而, 祇因我已被釘上十字架,除掉我明顯可收殺雞儆猴之實效。但我究竟犯了何種滔天大罪,非得讓這集團核心成員全然容不下我,硬找些莫須有理由除之而後快呢?

先說資遣之不合理與有違《勞基法》之問題。當我於四月廿六日拿到離職證明書後,終於確認資方是以《勞基法》第十一條第二款(虧損或業務緊縮時)終止勞動契 約──不過,我也同時收到另張敘明離職理由為「辭職」的離職證明書,怪哉!凡此說辭都讓我有若遊太虛、探瑤池般。須知,中時高層方才召開過改版會議,據 悉,無人提出「時論廣場」應縮減為一塊版面的提議,特別是,對形像頗有爭議的蔡衍明而言,兩大塊的「時論廣場」賦予他文化人、新聞人光照,是夠陶然自得且 後續光環還會再發皇添益。既然,兩大塊的民意版面不可能縮減,那麼目前該單位三個人的編制,就絕無瘦身之可能,若硬砍實有殺雞取卵之嫌;再者,若真要裁 員,目前中時主筆室成員中,總主筆倪炎元、副總主筆莊佩璋,以及時論的另兩位成員(張春華、林承謨),倪張林三人年資皆已屆廿五年,莊則年滿五十五歲,全 然符合退休要件,所以要談裁員,再怎麼說都該向屆退者進行勸退,而非針對我這年資尚未滿廿年的「資淺者」。

據悉在這段時日裡,中時電子報某個員工亦遭資遣,理由與我類似;而系出《美洲中國時報》的現任東南亞特派員梁東屏,以及現任《中國時報‧人間副刊》主任的 楊澤,都被該集團勸退。由於各個情況不一,似乎難以說上什麼潮風,然而,在春陽煦日下,讓整個中時員工感受莫名的寒慄,卻是不爭的事實。明眼人都看的出, 我之所以遭資遣,絕非單純的勞資問題,而係肅清異己的動作。關於肅清,該集團定然會一逕否認到底,甚至污蔑我及相關的評議者胡亂造謠。而我也確實無從得 知,我究竟觸到什麼紅線,致使他們必須痛下殺手。唯一可作為佐證者,在於現任總編輯張景為於四月十六日發出的〈給編輯部同仁的一封信〉,傳遞出扼殺中時自 由風格的咆嘯惡聲,固然會在台灣傳播史上畫上一道分水嶺,裡頭還特別點到「之前時報的高層人事異動、這次的錢衷時懸賞公告,公告照片馬上就大剌剌地出現在 外界的網站上」。

我向來明人不作暗事,敢作必敢承,三月廿一日旺中集團人事大地震的照片確實是我先張貼上網,而後其他諸人迅速分享之;但這種公諸於外的人事調動令,本無不可對外人言的業務機密性,畢竟如此規模的人事異動,必然很快在傳媒間迅速傳開,試問我觸犯《勞基法》那一條?

歸根結柢,問題係這集團目前已淪為幫派文化,只要觸其「禁忌」或「紅線」,就以極粗暴的方式回應(哪怕是風聲鶴唳的肅清、侵犯勞工基本權力,亦在所不 惜)。除了這樁貼相片事件,其後「錢衷時懸賞公告」與我無涉,更不用說,我完全不是「錢衷時」。結果,該集團全然不給予我任何說明聲辯的機會,嚴重剝削了 《憲法》賦予我的「工作權」保障!當然,他們絕不敢就肅清面向公告世人,表面上試圖以純勞資關係淡化真實面向,實際上卻在集團內部清楚散布警告眾人的訊 息。如何達成政治肅清目的,才是他們精心擘畫之所旨。


由於該集團自入主中時後,不尊重新聞自主、自由,祇想讓蔡衍明獨斷的意志貫穿其中,所以先前的總編輯夏珍因故得罪陳雲林,以及此回《華盛頓郵報》事件後, 總編輯王美玉未能迅速掛帥出征,於是人事令立予明升暗降為社長,凡此都反映出蔡衍明頗受爭議的行事作風。但,上述俱屬高層人事,對一般員工未必會有憾動作 用,直到拿我開刀,再配合著張景為鼓吹「團結、愛報」的強力宣示,陰霾已全面籠罩中時天空。於是,但見仿張景為的效忠文紛紛出爐、眾人吹捧蔡衍明,或為中 嘉案作說客的文字就屢屢在《中國時報》刊載,汜濫至此,早已非慨歎二字所能陳了!

或有人會責我過度譟動,未能忍一時之氣,以圖公共論壇之不坍;但我深知,此劫根本躲不過。不發生於今日,定然會在它日某時某刻肇生。一切還是得溯回到二 ○○八年深秋,中時集團的政權轉移開始。彼時余建新傳出要出賣祖產,一時人心渙散、傳言不竭,一般可信的說法是,彼時余建新與壹傳媒的黎智英洽談已近水到 渠成,孰料中時集團最後竟以兩百億的高價轉售給從未預聞新聞媒體的旺旺集團,時當中國海協會會長陳雲林首度來台的敏感時刻,是以中時的轉售案,日後要剖其 過程和影響,列位看倌與媒體觀察者,恐不能疏略此一訊息。


猶記當時,電影《一八九五‧乙未》正上演,清廷無能致割讓台灣予日本,台人如魚肉任人刀俎加身的心情,就似中時集團易手後,我深沈的椎心之痛。余建新這一 敗家子必須揹負出賣祖產,從此讓中時沈淪的罵名。多數員工歷經裁員、經營權轉移的鉅大波動後,他們對於旺旺蔡家的入主,毋寧是歡迎備至。唯獨身處言論版重 鎮的我,早得知各種有關蔡衍明的企圖,而三年多來的發展,也一一驗證所言非虛──由於事例眾多,容他日再言。置身這樣的工作環境,除非徹底剔骨毀顏,作個 沒有脊椎的低級動物,否則祇要顯露絲微輕蔑之心、不屑之狀,那麼向喜以金錢砸人,不在乎讀書人感受的旺旺父子,就必然動作不斷。此外,旺旺蔡家也環伺了一 批唯命是從之徒,對外狂吠敵對者,對內排除異己者。身處如此的危境,身心俱疲、毫無尊嚴是必然,我若妄想再煎熬個四、五年屆退,恐是天方夜譚。


所以,表面上看似劫厄悲運,實際卻是脫離修羅場,讓我得以重探天地之光,吸天地之精。我於中時集團一待就是十八年,這可非王寶釧的寒窯苦守,而是日日播種 耕耨,也作出不少成績。前此會自豪於四報的言論版面之中,「時論廣場」論質與量之精粹、內容之豐實深邃,絕不作第二人想。俱往矣!我眷戀昔日中時和煦之 風、清淺之流,更深憐絕大多數兢業務本、不圖權名的同事們。但今盈於庭的似為賈雨村語。

近日閱《詩經‧鄘風》〈相鼠〉:「相鼠有皮,人而無儀。人而無儀,不死何為?相鼠有齒,人而無止。人而無止,不死何俟?相鼠有體,人而無禮。人而無禮,胡不遄死?」感觸良多啊!

concern over big media, China ties 中國置入中時 紅色商人中天電視最近發動批判一傳媒集團鬥爭運動


〈金恒煒專欄〉《花花公子》與《人民日報》

台灣媒體過去有過不成文規約,或說潛規則,就是同業間不互相揭短、攻訐;與 其說出於西諺所謂「專業間的禮數」(professional courtesy),不如說是維護彼此間的利害。雖然因為社會的逐漸開放與媒體間的不同意識形態而有所更張,但像最近「旺旺」與「蘋果」如此的火力全開, 互批到刀刀見骨,倒不多見;不只讓人開了眼界,也讓人看到媒體的不畏人言。
我的朋友李俊達很早前就在網站上發表文章〈旺旺咬蘋果 狗咬狗現世報〉;用「狗咬狗」當然呈現對兩者極端不滿而隔岸鼓掌、幸災樂禍的心態。這是觀點之一。也有媒體學者憂心的指控兩大集團為了私利而濫用公器;這是觀點之二。老實說,都各有所見。

戰火的挑起者或可說是起自蘋果。蘋果指控NCC一旦通過「旺中」寬頻購併中嘉有線網路案,恐造就危及言論自由的媒體巨獸。 蘋果炮轟中嘉案,據報導,是因為旺中放話,絕對不讓蘋果轄下的「壹電視」上架;那形同斷了蘋果的電視夢,也使蘋果花費的幾十億資金泡湯,甚而危及整個集團 的生計。既然你要斬我後路,我也斷你金脈,蘋果打旺中,自是兩敗俱傷的戰線。至於旺中,併購中嘉的資本即高達七百一十五億,其利益之大,可以想見。兩大媒 體的火併,比黑幫爭地盤有過之無不及。

持平而論,蘋果抨擊旺中購併中嘉案,固然挾有私心與私利,但涉及的確是公共議題;這是人人可以討論且 影響台灣媒體生態與言論自由的嚴肅課題。旺中要回應,自應就事論事,為合併案的合理性做出說明與反擊,但旺中不此之圖,卻發動旗下的平面與電子喉舌,扒蘋 果狗仔報導的種種缺失以及蘋果財政紅燈,完全無賴行徑。

蘋果本來就是八卦報,即使本身也不諱言;旺旺用八卦打蘋果,卻像鏡像作用,反映了旺中的八卦化。更何況,旺中旗下的《時報周刊》,據報導,也在招兵買馬組狗仔隊以廣招徠。這是一邊摸乳,一邊祭出貞節牌坊,只凸顯報格的低下。

重點是,批判旺旺已成台灣社會清流的共識。旺旺老闆蔡衍明為了替中共塗脂抹粉,不惜整肅媒體成員,打狗給中國主子看,遂惹惱了「澄社」諸君子,發動「拒絕中時」的運動。此外,旺中併購中嘉也確實如蘋果所言,會造成媒體怪獸,國內學者幾乎一致反對。就此而言,蘋果在道德上佔了上風;弔詭罷!

結論是,我們可以容忍蘋果,卻絕對要拒絕旺旺。你可以不喜歡蘋果,也可以討厭蘋果,但蘋果的狗仔文化卻是資本主義下民主制度的衍生物,只要沒有違法,只能坐視。但在民主台灣,絕不能容忍替獨裁專制政權化妝的反動媒體。

簡單的說,如同《花花公子》與《人民日報》之爭,我們的抉擇不是那麼難。 (作者金恒煒為政治評論者)

Taiwan media fight highlights concern over big media, China ties


Associated Press - In this image made on Friday, April 27, 2012, pages of rival Taiwan newspapers Apple Daily, top half, and The China Times, bottom, are seen depicting each other’s owners in a fight for ownership of a major chunk of Taiwan’s media outlets. Hong Kong’s media moghul owner of the Apple Daily and fierce China critic Jimmy Lai is calling foul as Want Want Group chairman Tsai Eng-meng is seeking to purchase a local cable TV network system in a $2.4 billion deal that would significantly bolster his influence in Taiwan. Tsai has big business interests in China and the move could bolster his stature on the mainland.
 紅色商人的電視台中天電視-CtiTV.com
 最近發動批判一傳媒集團鬥爭運動 因為該蔡姓大亨想當大中國的媒體教父 想代表中共和國民黨政府替天行道 想否認六四天安門革命



 中國置入中時 賴幸媛:違法事實相對明確

國泰世華白金卡友,搭東方航空對飛兩 岸,即可享經濟艙升級好康!
〔記者陳慧萍、趙靜瑜/台北報導〕中國福建省長蘇樹林三月率團來台,被媒體 踢爆違法對中國時報置入性行銷,陸委會主委賴幸媛昨天對此表示,此案違法事實「相對明確」,相關機關已經啟動行政調查。立法院內政委員會則對此通過臨時提 案,要求陸委會一個月內提出調查報告及懲處情形。
立委要求陸委會提懲處
中國時報編輯部副總編輯張瑞昌表示,中國時報尊重權責機關的處理;至於究竟是否承認此事,張瑞昌沒有進一步回應。
立院內政委員會昨天邀請陸委會等相關機關,針對中國各機關團體在台從事廣告之管理規範及執行裁罰情形,進行專案報告。
針對福建省政府和廈門市政府,疑似在蘇樹林來台期間,對中國時報進行置入性行銷,民進黨立委段宜康指出,中國時報針對蘇樹林訪台,擬定宣傳計畫,連續五天大幅度報導,內容大多與公益無關,許多傳播學者對此感到匪夷所思。
民進黨立委李俊俋則當場播放「新頭殼」記者今年三月廿八日,以「中國時報管理處人員」身分,訪問廈門市政府新聞處長陳相華的電話錄音,證明廈門市政府和中時之間涉及置入性行銷。以下是錄音內容:
記者:付款的手續流程?
陳相華:我回去後,你們(中國時報)國內不是都有家代理的嗎?我們以前有個協議,然後我們簽了協議後,他們蓋好章、給我看,我沒有意見後,蓋完章後,然後你們就發票傳過來,我就匯款到你們指定的帳戶,以前也是這個模式。
記者:我想確認一下,這次外加的部分,是向廈門市政府請款,還是向省長這邊?
陳相華:就我們廈門市政府這邊。
記者:OK、OK,我只是確認一下流程,歡迎下次來台灣。
李俊俋質疑,他和立委姚文智三月就要求陸委會查辦,至今仍無結果。
賴幸媛表示,陸委會已在三月卅日針對此案發布新聞稿,表明「政府必定依法處理」;陸委會也在四月二度邀請法務部、經濟部等機關進行討論,初步認為「事實相對明確」,主管機關已啟動行政調查程序;陸委會今天將再次邀集專家學者以及相關機關進行研商。
經濟部投審會副執行秘書兼發言人張銘斌答詢表示,投審會認為,中國時報在蘇樹林來台相關報導中,其中「深化兩岸經貿合作」、「廈門登陸吸引台資八十億美元」兩則新聞確實涉及招商,已去函中時要求說明,其他報導則是配合蘇樹林個人行程報導,不在投審會權責範圍。
內政部次長林慈玲報告指出,中國大陸地區依法不得在台灣從事「不動產開發及交易」廣告,違者處十萬元以上、五十萬元以下罰鍰,自九十二年起,已有廿七件案例被裁罰,總金額達八百七十萬元。
段宜康則認為,內政部對違法不動產廣告裁罰案例中,以中時報系比例最高,共有五件;中時報系一犯再犯,怎能任其擴張媒體版圖?國家通訊委員會(NCC)正在審查旺旺中時併購中嘉案,他要求內政部將中時集團違法事項,移送NCC參考。
立委陳其邁則質疑,蘇樹林、中國國台辦副主任鄭立中等人以專業交流名義來台,若有統戰、政治目的之言行,踰越當初申請範圍,到底由哪個機關負責裁罰?賴幸媛僅模糊表示,是否有不符申請目的情形,由內政部移民署負責審查。
陳其邁不滿的說,兩岸人民條例諸多規定和罰則,因主管機關陸委會未明訂權責機關,導致各機關互踢皮球,讓法規形同虛設。
賴幸媛坦言應該檢討,委員會最後通過臨時提案,要求陸委會一個月內擬定明確職權劃分規範,送交內政委員會。
立委姚文智另質疑,內政部最近一次裁罰案例是去年一月,但台灣網站「鉅亨網」,開闢「大陸房地產」專欄,介紹東莞、昆山建案,難道不是廣告?林慈玲表示,若查證屬實,一定依法處理。

報告主任,我們買了《中時》

2009-02 天下雜誌 416期 作者:林倖妃

富比世雜誌(Forbes)23日公布台灣40大富豪排行榜,旺旺集團總裁蔡衍明摘下金冠,首度成為台灣首富。蔡衍明買下中時的一個月後,他就出現在中國國台辦主任王毅的辦公室,報告交易結果。這位華人圈的新媒體大亨究竟有什麼經營策略?
去年十一月三日,旺旺集團董事長蔡衍明從壹傳媒手中搶下中時集團,交易過程一直未完整揭露。
農曆年前,蔡衍明卻在中時 集團(包括《中時》、《工商》和中天、中視)尾牙餐會上,拿起麥克風主動談起這一段:前董事長余建新曾善意提醒他,媒體是個錢坑事業,要他「再三」思考, 蔡衍明認真地歪著頭,邊想邊唸「一、二、三」後,以堅定的語氣說,「好,我買了。」一件牽涉上百億的交易,在三秒內拍板定案。
接著,今年一月三十日又傳出蔡以私人名義,入股香港亞洲電視。短短的三個月內,連續大動作進軍媒體業,儼然成為兩岸三地新興竄起的媒體大亨。
「買下中時集團,是否可以走出台灣,現在還看不出來。但亞視卻鐵定可以正大光明『登陸』,成為他進入大陸媒體業的試金石,」一位中時人如此分析。
媒體業不景氣,商人卻大手筆搶進,為的是什麼?賣米果出身的蔡衍明,想怎樣靠賣新聞賺錢?旺旺集團內部刊物的一張照片,勾勒出他心中的策略。
旺旺集團在大陸發行的內部刊物《旺旺月刊》,去年十二月號出現一張醒目官式拜訪照片。其中蔡衍明挺直背脊,以身體三分之二坐姿坐在沙發上,雙手緊握放在大腿,另一邊坐的則是國台辦主任王毅。


不到兩百字的短文中,敘述去年十二月五日下午六時,王毅接見蔡衍明的過程:「會談中,首先由董事長向王毅主任,簡要介紹前不久集團收購台灣《中國時報》媒體集團的有關情況,董事長稱,此次收購的目的之一,是希望藉助媒體的力量,來推進兩岸關係的進一步發展。」
用報紙賣米果
王毅當時的回應是:「如果集團將來有需要,國台辦定會全力支持。不但願意支持食品本業的壯大,對於未來兩岸電視節目的互動交流,國台辦亦願意居中協助,」《旺旺月刊》上寫著。
一 位不願具名的資深媒體人解讀,以往旺旺的影響力只達大陸地方層級的官員,但蔡衍明「媒體大老」的新角色,一下子就讓他躋身大陸中央層級。而且,蔡衍明心中 想的就是要將媒體的影響力化為cash(現金)。以旺旺集團在中國主打內需市場,「來自政府支持食品本業的壯大,就是賺得cash的保證,」他說,讓旺旺 在中國大陸的地位更形穩固。
蔡家接掌媒體的經營策略,首要在打造兩岸「交流」的媒體平台。最明顯的動作,就是在台灣報業陷入空前危機之際,辦一份全新的報紙——《旺報》。
《旺報》的定位,是要提供台灣人完整的中國大陸資訊。《中國時報》社長、中時集團副總經理吳根成說,三通之後,兩岸交流提升,「但現在台灣提供的對岸資訊夠嗎?」


預定五月發行的《旺報》,將提供到大陸考試、就學、行醫或投資等求生存技法。此外,《中國時報》將和對岸的財經、政論雜誌合作,編採 人員由原中時集團兼職,紙張和印刷則運用中時資源。發行量剛開始為四萬份,一天三大張、每份定價五元,初步成本估算,一天只需五萬元廣告收入就可以打平。
經營「平台」要真能發揮綜效,靠的是整合旗下各媒體事業部。以往中時集團事業部間整合困難,旺旺管理人進駐,在壓力需求下,跨部門整合瞬間暢通。

跨平台賣新聞
二月十七日在台北國際會議中心登場的「投資新中國高峰論壇」,就是例子。
「中時旺全球、JF定天下」,鮮豔的紅字高掛在台上。
「這是一次成功的跨媒體行銷,」吳根成說,連對手報高層,都不得不隱身人群中前往探路。這樣的場面,是中視、中天連跑三個月跑馬燈,《中時》和《工商》大量提供版面打廣告的成果。
這場針對單一贊助廠商,以《中時》二版新聞版面配合的「全集團」動員,像是企圖對外宣示,找中時集團合作,可以同時得到旗下所有內容媒體(《中時》、中視、中天和電子報、《工商》、《時周》)的「附加價值」。
廣告主對這樣有效率的「購買」非常贊成。《動腦雜誌》社長、廣告主協會秘書長王彩雲就指出,中時集團的跨媒體整合行銷,「手段是對的、整合是好的。」


唯一的批評是,這次跨媒體操作的議題,賣的是「中國」,廣告主是外商投資公司。「中時主辦這個論壇,呼籲企業和投資人到中國投資。但一個企業的預算有限,投資中國多,就可能緊縮在台預算,」王彩雲說。
這樣的擔憂,對跨國界的商人來說,又是枝微末節了。面對每個月賠近億台幣的壓力,新經營者一切以財務平衡為考量。
曾任《中國時報》社長、現任中視董事長的林聖芬坦承,過去中時媒體集團沒有整合成功,在於余家仍有人情包袱,以及對價值的堅持,讓他不能放手去做。其次是在管理上沒有有效整合,各自為政。他強調,蔡家是商人底子,管理做的會比余家好,關鍵就在於能否貫徹。
財務主導編務
在 管理的貫徹上,蔡衍明是一絲不苟。入駐中時集團後,每週一定期召開的社務會議,要求財務部逐一提出各單位的業績,和達成預定目標的比例,嚴格管控數字,這 是過去余家主掌時代所沒有的。蔡衍明更多次耳提面命,要編輯部「全力配合業務部」,各部門每一個人都要有找財源的能力。
一名主管形容是「財務掛帥時代來臨!」內部更私下稱現在是「財務主導業務和編務。」


這樣的管控,像是發揮了成效。《中國時報》今年一月的虧損額度,從高峰將近每月近億元,大幅降為兩千多萬元(也因年假,出刊日少),並成為集團下四大報中虧損最少者。觀察者指出,去年底的大幅裁員雖有幫助,但蔡衍明入主後的經營管理策略也有貢獻。
除此之外,把媒體當商品經營的蔡衍明,也開始要求編輯對產品品質、業績負責。
最近,翻開《中國時報》會發現,從頭版到最後一版,每一版左下方出現責任編輯姓名。過去報紙編輯只對內、不對外,掛名是賦予榮譽感和責任感。新制度之下,每個細節的出錯都有人負責,編輯需對版面安排、標題負責。
更重要的是,總編輯要直接面對讀者,在蔡衍明的要求下,總編輯對銷售份數負有直接責任。
吳根成滿懷信心地說,制度改變後,零售率一直在提升中,和去年十二月相比達到二成之多,並以每週二%到三%的比例在成長。庫存量也從高峰期的二○%,而今控制在五%左右。
蔡家對編務的直接涉入,更延伸到報導的方向。
直接涉入報導方向
上月,中時集團內部傳出,蔡衍明公開要求編輯部不得批評馬政府、批評要有據,不准稱馬總統為「宅男」。中視也推出新節目「挑戰面對面,唱旺新台灣」,在在都是希望中時集團帶頭不要唱衰政府。


對於外界多認定蔡衍明是「純粹的生意人」,蔡衍明日前和《中國時報》副總編輯以上主管開會時,不脫草莽性格說:「你們主管有共同責任,讓我虧損最 小,甚至應該設法讓《中時》賺錢,賺錢才可以抬頭挺胸,」他以慣用的台語說。「但賺不了錢也要賺個格,辦媒體沒有格,不只是《中國時報》,連整個媒體集團 我都不要了。」
這是蔡衍明的媒體夢,華人圈的新媒體大亨。旺旺的新機會,卻也是台灣的新挑戰。

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