2024年3月8日 星期五

Michel Foucault 1926~1984. Sheldon S. Wolin 1922-2015, Richard Rorty (1931 – 2007)


Richard McKay Rorty (October 4, 1931 – June 8, 2007) was an American philosopher. Educated at the University of Chicago and Yale University, he had strong ...
作品多有漢譯

理查·羅蒂:一位美國哲人的誕生
作者: [美]尼爾·格羅斯
出版社: 華中科技大學出版社
原作名: Richard Rorty: The Making of an American Philosopher
譯者: 胡豔紅
出版年: 2023-12
頁數: 325
定價: CNY98.0
裝幀: 平裝
叢書: “群學新知”譯叢
ISBN: 9787568083249
內容簡介 · · · · · ·
本書主要分為兩個部分。前八章為第一部分,首先按照時間順序對羅蒂的經歷進行了介紹,包括其父母的生活經歷和羅蒂本人的求學經歷。後兩章為第二部分,從社會學的視角重新審視了羅蒂的思想和職業發展。但與傳統人物傳記不同的是,原作者格羅斯的切入點不是平鋪直敘地描述人物生活軼事,而是更多地著眼於世俗的社會和制度環境,通過對其所生活的環境的描述反襯羅蒂的思想歷程。全書中,作者將重點放在羅蒂職業生涯的前半段,即其思想的發展時期,而非傳播時期。本書的目標不是對羅蒂的思想進行詮釋,也不是對其進行批判性的哲學審視,而是試圖解釋其思想的社會根源,為未來社會學研究提供了方向。
目錄 · · · · · ·
導言//1
第一章 詹姆斯·羅蒂//27
第二章 維妮弗雷德·勞申布赫//59
第三章 哈欽斯學院//79
第四章 哲學碩士(1949—1952)//99
第五章 耶魯的博士生涯(1952—1956)//119
第六章 威爾斯利學院(1958—1961)//139
第七章 普林斯頓大學(1961—1965)//157
第八章 普林斯頓大學(1965—1982)//181
第九章 學者自我概念//223
第十章 重新審視羅蒂//261
結論//311
可能是文字的圖像
所有心情:
9






/ Michel Foucault /
.
"Is it surprising that prisons resemble factories, schools, barracks, hospitals, which all resemble prisons?"
.
"Paul-Michel Foucault was a French philosopher, historian of ideas, writer, political activist, and literary critic. Foucault's theories primarily address the relationship between power and knowledge, and how they are used as a form of social control through societal institutions. Though often cited as a structuralist and postmodernist, Foucault rejected these labels. His thought has influenced academics, especially those working in communication studies, anthropology, psychology, sociology, criminology, cultural studies, literary theory, feminism, Marxism and critical theory. Born in Poitiers, France, into an upper-middle-class family, Foucault was educated at the Lycée Henri-IV, at the École Normale Supérieure, where he developed an interest in philosophy and came under the influence of his tutors Jean Hyppolite and Louis Althusser, and at the University of Paris, where he earned degrees in philosophy and psychology."
W
Born: Paul-Michel Foucault, 15 October 1926, Poitiers, France
Died: June 25, 1984, Paris, France
Education: École Normale Supérieure (B.A, 1948, M.A, 1949), Fondation Thiers (Dr. cand.), University of Paris (B.A, 1949, SpDip, 1952, DrE, 1961)
Notable work: Madness and Civilization (1961), The Birth of the Clinic (1963), The Order of Things (1966), Discipline and Punish (1975), The History of Sexuality (1976)
.
Michael Kelly, Michel Foucault (1994). “Critique and Power: Recasting the Foucault/Habermas Debate”, p.176, MIT Press
.



http://www.nytimes.com/2015/10/29/us/politics/sheldon-s-wolin-theorist-who-shifted-political-science-back-to-politics-dies-at-93.html?




#知識考古學 L’archéologie du savoir

米歇爾.傅柯經典作品
台灣繁中版法文全新重譯

  
「不要問我我是誰,也不要叫我保持不變:這是一種身分狀態的道德規範(une morale d’état-civil);它管理著我們的文證。但願關乎書寫之時,它仍任我們自由。」--米歇爾·傅柯
 

  
法國思想界大師--米歇爾·傅柯(Michel Foucault)於一九六六年出版《詞與物》(Les mots et les choses. Une archéologie des sciences humaines)一書,提出「人之死」的論點,挑戰自十九、二十世紀以來學術界「以人為本」的理論預設而飽受各方批評,甚至引起沙特批判此書為小資產階級的最後壁壘;傅柯隨後在一九六九年出版了《知識考古學》(L'archéologie du savoir),在書中提出方法論的討論,對話語的基本單元「陳述」進行分析,同時藉由這本書來回應外界早前對《#詞與物》的評論或指責。
 

  
傅柯在《知識考古學》當中以非連續性、斷裂、差異的考古學反對連續性、起源、總體化的觀念史,通過對話語形成與陳述進行分析,呈現作為主體的「人」和知識在話語實踐中被建構的過程,深入剖析「人之死」的主題,最終建構一種基於「話語實踐—知識—科學」的考古學。

 

  
他指出,思想史試圖透過破譯文本來解讀思想的祕密運動,而「所說事物」的層面則以其自身的方式出現:它們出現的條件、它們積累和聯繫的形式、它們轉換的規則、點綴它們的不連續性。所言之物的領域就是我們所說的檔案;考古學之目的,就是對其進行分析。
 

作者: 米歇爾.#傅柯 Michel Foucault
譯者: #李沅洳
出版社:#時報出版
出版日期:2023/10/03
定價:550元(書店取書77折) 

#新書上架


Photo
Prof. Sheldon S. Wolin in 1982. He revitalized political theory and called for political scientists to develop what he called “epic” theories that would change perceptions and, in turn, change societies. CreditFred R. Conrad/The New York Times
Sheldon S. Wolin, a political theorist whose landmark 1960 book “Politics and Vision” shifted the center of gravity back to politics, rather than economics or sociology, in the field of political science, and who went on to analyze the possibilities and limits of popular democracy in a series of influential studies, died on Oct. 21 at his home in Salem, Ore. He was 93.
His death was confirmed by his daughter Deborah Olmon.
“Politics and Vision,” subtitled “Continuity and Innovation in Western Political Thought,” appeared at a time when American political science was under the sway of the behavioralist revolution, which emphasized the quantitative analysis of data rather than political ideas as a way to explain political behavior.
Professor Wolin, then teaching at the University of California, Berkeley, galvanized the profession by gathering key political philosophers, beginning with the Greeks, in a grand debate on democracy and examining their ideas not as historical artifacts, but as a way to criticize current political structures.
“The book revitalized political theory by making its history relevant to an analysis of the present,” Nicholas Xenos, a student of Professor Wolin’s and a professor of political science at the University of Massachusetts, Amherst, wrote in an email. “It challenged the behavioralists, for whom history was increasingly irrelevant. It also provided a way to criticize the present using the concepts and vocabulary that since antiquity had sustained concern for what he called ‘the possibilities of collectivity, common action and shared purposes.’ ”
In 1985, the American Political Science Association honored the book with the Benjamin E. Lippincott Award in recognition of its lasting impact. It was reissued in expanded form in 2004.
Nearly as influential on the profession was Professor Wolin’s 1969 essay “Political Theory as a Vocation,” a call for political scientists to develop what he called “epic” theories that would change perceptions and, in turn, societies.
With Michael Rogin, Hanna Pitkin and other colleagues, Professor Wolin made Berkeley a leading center for the study of political theory, and the headquarters of what became known as the Berkeley school.
He cast himself and his profession in activist terms, concerned with “the being and well-being of collectives,” as he put it in the introduction to “The Presence of the Past: Essays on the State and the Constitution” (1989). Political theory, he wrote, “is primarily a civic and secondarily an academic activity.”
Sheldon Sanford Wolin was born on Aug. 4, 1922, in Chicago and grew up in Buffalo. His father, an immigrant from Russia, was a clothing designer who started his own manufacturing business. His mother, for a time, ran a small variety store.
He enrolled in Oberlin College in Ohio but after two years enlisted in the Army Air Forces, serving as a bombardier and navigator in the Pacific before returning to earn a bachelor’s degree in 1946. He did his graduate work at Harvard, where he received his doctorate in 1950, with a dissertation on English constitutional thought in the late 18th century.
Interested in reaching a nonacademic audience, Professor Wolin, in collaboration with his Berkeley colleague John H. Schaar, wrote frequently for The New York Review of Books in the 1960s on the Free Speech Movement and campus unrest at Berkeley.
The essays were included in their book “The Berkeley Rebellion and Beyond: Essays on Politics and Education in the Technological Society” (1970). Professor Wolin later wrote for the review on Watergate, Henry Kissinger, the presidency of Jimmy Carter, Ronald Reagan and American conservatism.
In 1972 he joined the department of politics at Princeton, where he taught until retiring in 1987.
His influence on the profession as a teacher has been enormous. His students include such prominent scholars as Wendy Brown at Berkeley, J. Peter Euben at Duke and Cornel West at Princeton.
In addition to his daughter Deborah, he is survived by another daughter, Pamela Shedd, and two grandchildren. His wife, the former Emily Purvis, died in 2011.
Somewhat unusually for a political theorist, Professor Wolin analyzed political thinkers with a literary critic’s ear, bearing down on telling metaphors or revealing stylistic quirks. That gift was evident in “Hobbes and the Epic Tradition of Political Theory” (1970) and “Tocqueville Between Two Worlds: The Making of a Political and Theoretical Life” (2001), a blend of political theory and intellectual biography.
In 1981 Professor Wolin founded Democracy: A Journal of Political Renewal and Radical Change, which explored the potential for populist movements in the United States. He was its editor until it ceased publication in 1983.
“The left cannot play politics on terms set by mass media and mass organization,” he told The New York Times in 1982. “A more decentralized and local politics, scattered and diffuse, is the first best hope.”
With time, he took the view that corporate power and political power were becoming so closely intertwined in the United States, and the public so apathetic, that genuine participatory democracy was at best a remote possibility, expressed in rare “fugitive” expressions of the popular will.
“Democracy in the late modern world cannot be a complete political system,” he wrote in a 1994 essay, “and given the awesome potentialities of modern forms of power, and what they exact of the social and natural world, it ought not to be hoped or striven for.”
His last book reflected this dark interpretation of politics in the United States. It bore a sobering title: “Democracy Incorporated: Managed Democracy and the Specter of Inverted Totalitarianism.”



Wikipedia
Sheldon S. Wolin (/ˈwlɪn/; August 4, 1922 – October 21, 2015)[1] was an Americanpolitical theorist and writer on contemporary politics. One of the most original and influential American political theorists of the past fifty years, Wolin became Professor of Politics, Emeritus, at Princeton University, where he taught from 1973 to 1987.[2]...


Academic career[edit]

After graduating from Oberlin College, Wolin received his doctorate from Harvard University in 1950, for a dissertation entitledConservatism and Constitutionalism: A Study in English Constitutional Ideas, 1760–1785. After teaching briefly at Oberlin, Wolin taught political theory at the University of California, Berkeley, from 1954 to 1970 and built a political theory program by bringing Norman Jacobson, John H. Schaar, Hanna Fenichal Pitkin, and Michael Rogin into the department.
One of Wolin's central concerns was how the history of political thought could contribute to understand contemporary political dilemmas and predicaments. He played a significant role in the Free Speech Movement and with John Schaar interpreted that movement to the rest of the world. During the seventies and eighties he published frequently for The New York Review of Books.[4] He also wrote opinion pieces and reviews for The New York Times. In 1980, he was the founding editor of the short-lived but intellectually influential journal democracy (1980-83). At Princeton, Wolin led a successful faculty effort to pass a resolution urging university trustees to divest from endowment investment in firms that supported South African apartheid.
Wolin left Berkeley in the fall of 1971 for the University of California, Santa Cruz, where he taught until 1972. From 1973 through 1987, Wolin was a professor of politics at Princeton University. Wolin served on the editorial boards of many scholarly journals, includingPolitical Theory the leading journal of the field in the Anglo-American world. He consulted for various scholarly presses, foundations and public entities including Peace Corps, American Council of Learned Societies, and the Social Science Research Council. Wolin also served as president of the Society for Legal and Political Philosophy.

Political Theorist[edit]

Wolin was instrumental in founding what came to be known as the Berkeley School of political theory. His approach to the history of political thought offered an original perspective that constituted a formidable challenge to more classical approaches to the study of the history of political thought. It equally challenged Behaviorism, the reigning orthodoxy in political science departments. Frequently compared to thinkers like Eric Voeglin, Hannah Arendt, and Leo Strauss, Wolin’s classic Politics and Vision formulates an interpretative approach to the history of political thought. It combined careful study of different theoretical traditions and paid particular attention to how these contribute to the changing meanings of a received political vocabulary, which included notions of authority, obligation, power, justice, citizenship, and the state. Wolin’s approach also had a bearing on contemporary problems and questions and he notoriously defined the inquiry into the history of political thought, and the study of different traditions and forms of theorizing that have shaped it, “as a form of political education.”[5] Wolin’s approach to the study of political theory consisted of a historical-minded inquiry into the history of political thought to inform the practice of political theory in the present. A consummate reader of texts, he carefully combined attention to both the intellectual and political contexts in which an author intervened and the genres of writing he deployed, with an eye to understanding how a particular body of work shed light on a specific political predicament. [6] But this was no antiquarian exercise. It rather consisted of an attempt to "understand some aspect of the historical past [that] is also conscious of the historical character and locus of [the inquirer's] own understanding. Historicity has to do with the convergence of the two, and the inquirer’s contribution of his present is crucial.”[7] Similarly, his classic essay "Political Theory as a Vocation," written in the context of the Cold War, the Vietnam War and the Civil Rights Movement mounted a searching critique of Behaviorism and how it impaired the ability to grasp the crises of the time. Thirty years later, he explicitly formulated the importance of political theory and the study of political thought as “primarily a civic and secondarily an academic activity.” [8] His 2001 study of Alexis de Tocqueville, Tocqueville Between Two Words, constitutes his second summa. Cornel West has called it Wolin’s masterpiece, the crowning achievement of “the greatest political theorist of and for democracy of our time.” [9]
Wolin’s involvement in the events of the sixties represented a formative experience that set the stage for the transition from an imaginative and erudite scholar of political thought to an original political thinker in his own right. [10] In essays dealing with major thinkers of the recent past, including some of the most formidable bodies of work of the twentieth century, Wolin probed different approaches to both understanding the nature of theory and its bearing on the political from a perspective clearly aligned with the principles of participatory democracy. From this perspective, Wolin engaged with a vast array of thinkers: Theodor W. Adorno & Max HorkheimerHannah ArendtJohn DeweyMichel FoucaultLeo StraussHarvey C. MansfieldKarl MarxFriedrich NietzscheMichael OakeshottKarl PopperJohn RawlsRichard Rorty, and Max Weber[11] Politically, Wolin penned essays on a variety of themes and figures, including terrorism, conservatism, Jimmy Carter, Henry Kissinger, and Ronald Reagan. His The Presence of the Past offered an original critique of Reaganism, its discourse and practice, and a series of searching reflections on the bicentannial of the American Constitution. His last book, Democracy Incorporated (2008) formulates a scathing critique of the administration of George W. Bush and its war on terror and a plea for the recovery of democratic values and practices.
In these interventions, Wolin formulated an original non-Marxist critique of capitalism and the fate of democratic political life in the present. In his effort to think about the fate of democracy in the United States, he formulated a novel theorization of modern and postmodern forms of power and how these shaped the limits and horizons of political life in the late twentieth and early twentieth-first centuries. While influenced by Marx's critique of capitalism as a form of power, Wolin's political thought is decidedly non-Marxist in his insistence on participatory democracy, the primacy of the political, and the conviction that a radical theory of democracy requires mapping the forms of power beyond the economy. Wolin's political thought is particularly concerned with the fate of democracy at the hands of bureaucratic imperatives, elitism, and managerial principles and practices. His ideas of “inverted totalitarianism” and “fugitive democracy” constitute well-known signatures of his reflections. Another signature contribution is his account of the liberal-democratic state, which Wendy Brown has characterized as a "neo-Weberian" account of the state, "heavy with rationalities and bureaucratic domination; it is a Marxist-structuralist state, neither identical with nor a simple instrument of capitalism but complexly entwined with it. It is an administrative and penetrative state - those tentacles are everywhere and on everyone, especially the most disempowered; they do not honor public/private distinctions, political/economic distinctions, or even legal/extra-legal distinctions...the contemporary state is a complex amalgam of political, economic, administrative and discursive powers." [12] Out of this diagnosis of the state and its complex relationship to capitalism, Wolin forged the idea of "fugitive democracy." In his view, democracy not as a fixed state form, but a political experience in which ordinary people are active political actors. In this construction "fugitive" stands for the ways in which contemporary forms of power have made this aspiration an evanescent and momentary political experience. [13]

Personal Life[edit]

Wolin was born in Chicago and raised in Buffalo, New York. Interrupting his studies at Oberlin College, he became a US Army Air Force bombardier/navigator serving in the Pacific during World War II.[14] He was married to Emily Purvis Wolin for over sixty years.

Works[edit]

Books[edit]

Articles[edit]

沒有留言:

網誌存檔