2016年6月2日 星期四

Hillary Clinton (3):Fight! Fight! Fight!Two decades in the spotlight; 美聯社告國務院: email choices;希拉里·克林頓的閱讀清單


Hillary Diane Rodham Clinton (/ˈhɪləri dˈæn ˈrɒdəm ˈklɪntən/; born October 26, 1947) ....
看在 Hillary Clinton 幾年前在新書訪談上,給台灣的真誠忠告分上,恭喜!加油!
【希拉里.克林顿宣布赢得民主党总统初选】


Hillary Clinton (2) "Hard Choices", a new memoir by Hillary Clinton, is ...

https://plus.google.com/111288117191132115970/posts/Cwv7KMkyzym
Jun 15, 2014 - Hillary Clinton (2) "Hard Choices", a new memoir by Hillary Clinton, is a frustrating read. It has the cautious, polished, poll-tested feel of a campaign speech.

Hillary Clinton is here to fight on four fronts: "to make the economy work for everyday Americans"; "to strengthen America's families"; to "maintain America's leadership for peace, security, and prosperity"; and last, but not least, she will join the fight for "reforming our government and revitalising our democracy." But who, exactly, is Mrs Clinton fighting against? http://econ.st/1Fr6MQi

Fight! Fight! Fight!
HILLARY CLINTON is a fighter. In a very long speech at the Franklin Delano Roosevelt Four Freedoms Park in New York City, where she officially re-launched her...
ECON.ST


Hillary Clinton’s putative campaign for president was made official on April 12th. The announcement came in an e-mail from John Podesta, her campaign manager, who told donors and supporters that she would soon head to Iowa for a meet-and-greet with voters. A video was also released on a new campaign website, Hillary for Americahttp://econ.st/1PB81Fe



在美國前國務卿希拉蕊爆出「電郵門」風波後,儘管她已於10日的記者會中首度面對媒體,但似乎愈演愈烈。美聯社11日以「故意拖延交出檔案」為由狀告國務院,國務院內部也自行提出糾舉檔案保存的失職檢討報告,更甚者,眾院準備要求希拉蕊交出紐約家中的私人郵件伺服器,「電郵門」風暴不但引發共和黨與民主黨間的口水戰,更嚴重打亂希拉蕊原有的美國總統參選布局。

美聯社不滿國務院拖拉

根據美聯社(Associated Press, AP)11日所發出的訴狀內容顯示,自從引用《資訊流通法案》(The Freedom of Information Act, FOIA)向美國國務院申請檢閱相關文件以來,國務院一再推託,「申請450天以來,至今仍未依法提供任何文件」。
AP的法務經理凱絲爾(Karen Kaiser)表示,AP已試過任何合法途徑要求國務院提供資料,但是國務院極為緩慢的處理效率讓AP相信,若國務院不是不想交出這些國家文件,就是「沒有保存這些文件」。
根據AP的新聞稿,AP對於國務院提出申請檢閱的文件包括希拉蕊(Hillary Clinton)2009年至2013年任職國務卿時的所有行程、3名希拉蕊貼身助理的相關郵件、2011年美國狙殺賓拉登(Osama bin Laden)的行動細節,以及希拉蕊如何監督審查五角大廈的軍售契約等。
AP批評,國務院拖延了450天仍無法交出任何文件,處理時間是中情局(CIA)司法部(Department of Justice)的7倍以上,更是財政部(Department of Treasure)所花費時間的30倍以上,「國務院沒有遵循FOIA的規定」。

Hillary Clinton defends her email choices and states restrict medication-induced abortions.

In Retrospect, Clinton Says She Should Have Used Separate Emails
Hillary Clinton is defending her exclusive use of a personal email account while Secretary of State and is turning over 55,000 printed pages of her official correspondence to the State Department. At a news conference on Tuesday, she said she "chose not to keep personal emails" during her tenure at the department.http://n.pr/18AiCOY
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"Hard Choices", a new memoir by Hillary Clinton, is a frustrating read. It has the cautious, polished, poll-tested feel of a campaign speech. This 600-page doorstopper is full of micro-revelations which are earnest, dull and self-serving, all at the same time http://econ.st/1jmUkqZ


希拉里·克林頓的閱讀清單

枕邊書2014年06月17日
前國務卿、《艱難抉擇》(Hard Choices)的作者的書架上有共和黨人的回憶錄,比如《父輩的信仰》(Faith of My Fathers)和《抉擇時刻》(Decision Points)。
你現在在讀什麼書?
我的床頭柜上放了一堆我正在讀的書——或者希望能很快開始讀的書。我一般是同時讀好幾本。現在我讀的是唐娜·塔特(Donna Tartt)的《金翅雀》(The Goldfinch)、馬婭·安傑盧(Maya Angelou)的《媽媽和我和媽媽》(Mom & Me & Mom)和哈倫·科本(Harlan Coben)的《想念你》(Missing You)。
你讀的上一本真正的好書是什麼?
我總是在不斷回想艾蒙德·德·瓦爾(Edmund de Waal)的《琥珀色眼睛的兔子》(The Hare With Amber Eyes);伊麗莎白·吉爾伯特(Elizabeth Gilbert)的《萬物的簽名》(The Signature of All Things);琳內·奧爾森(Lynne Olson)的《倫敦公民》(Citizens of London);以及維克拉姆·塞斯(Vikram Seth)的《一個合適的男孩》(A Suitable Boy)。
希拉里·羅德姆·克林頓
希拉里·羅德姆·克林頓
Illustration by Jillian Tamaki
你最喜歡的當代作家有哪些?有沒有哪位作家的書一出版你就會讀?
下面這些作家不管出什麼書我都會讀:勞拉·希倫布蘭德(Laura Hillenbrand)、沃爾特·艾薩克森(Walter Isaacson)、芭芭拉·金索弗(Barbara Kingsolver)、約翰·勒·卡雷(John le Carré)、約翰·格里沙姆(John Grisham)、希拉里·曼特爾(Hilary Mantel)、托妮·莫里森(Toni Morrison)、安娜·昆德蘭(Anna Quindlen)和愛麗絲·沃克(Alice Walker)。我很喜歡講述某些人物長期經歷的系列圖書,所以我會自動閱讀下面這些作家的最新著作:亞歷克斯·貝倫森(Alex Berenson)、琳達·法爾斯坦恩(Linda Fairstein)、蘇·格拉夫頓(Sue Grafton)、唐娜·利昂(Donna Leon)、凱瑟琳·霍爾·佩奇(Katherine Hall Page)、路易絲·彭尼(Louise Penny)、丹尼爾·西爾瓦(Daniel Silva)、亞歷山大·麥考爾·史密斯(Alexander McCall Smith)、查爾斯·托德(Charles Todd)和傑奎琳·溫斯皮爾(Jacqueline Winspear)。
你最喜歡的小說是什麼?你最喜歡的短篇故事呢?你特別欣賞的詩歌呢?
我年輕時讀過《卡拉馬佐夫兄弟》(The Brothers Karamazov),它給我留下了長久的印象,我打算今年夏天重讀一遍,看看我現在對它的看法是什麼。我最喜歡愛麗絲·門羅(Alice Munro)寫的短篇故事,特別是她的文集《忘乎所以》(Carried Away)和《逃離》(Runaway)中的故事。要讓我從多年來欣賞過的眾多詩人中選我最喜歡的,就沒有那麼容易了。我喜歡的詩人包括E·E·卡明斯(E. E. Cummings)、T·S·艾略特(T. S. Eliot)、謝默斯·希尼(Seamus Heaney)、巴勃羅·聶魯達(Pablo Neruda)、瑪麗·奧利弗(Mary Oliver)和W·B·葉慈(W. B. Yeats)。
讀什麼書會帶給你有罪惡感的快樂?你有最喜歡的題材嗎?
烹飪、裝修、節食/自助和園藝書籍帶給我罪惡的快樂,它們是填補零碎時間的有用圖書。
關於華盛頓特區的最好的書是什麼?有沒有哪本書你想推薦給計劃搬到首都工作的人?
E·J·迪翁(E. J. Dionne)的《我們分裂的政治心》(Our Divided Political Heart)說明,大多數普通人都有一點保守和自由的衝動,但是就像我們每個人都得在內心深處調和二者一樣,如果我們想讓政治體系有效運轉,也要調和這二者。艾倫·布林德爾(Alan Blinder)的《音樂停止之後》(After the Music Stopped)是對金融危機的描述,他的分析和建議非常清晰。
你旅行的時候喜歡讀什麼書?
我任國務卿旅行時,要讀很多關於每個目的地的政治、經濟和文化信息的厚厚的簡報,所以它們佔據了我的大部分閱讀時間。但是在可能的時候,我會讀關於我要前往的地方的小說或旅行見聞,比如海倫妮·庫珀(Helene Cooper)講述她在利比里亞的童年的《糖果海灘的家》(The House at Sugar Beach)以及艾瑪·拉金(Emma Larkin)的《在緬甸尋找喬治·奧威爾》(Finding George Orwell in Burma)。
有沒有哪本書你希望所有的學生都讀一下?
簡·奧斯汀(Jane Austen)的《傲慢與偏見》(Pride and Prejudice);伊薩克·迪內森(Isak Dinesen)的《走出非洲》(Out of Africa);托馬斯·肯尼利(Thomas Keneally)的《辛德勒的名單》(Schindler』s List)。
你小時候是個什麼樣的讀者?你童年最喜歡的書是什麼?你最急切想傳給女兒的書是什麼?
哦,我小時候總是在讀書,從《維尼熊》(Winnie-the-Pooh)、神探南茜(Nancy Drew)系列、《小婦人》(Little Women),到詹姆斯·米切納(James Michener)。我給切爾西(Chelsea)最先讀的是《晚安,月亮》(Goodnight Moon)、《逃家小兔》(The Runaway Bunny)、《好奇的喬治》(Curious George)以及其他所有我很喜歡的書,這些書引導她自己做出閱讀選擇。
如果你必須選一本對造就現在的你影響最大的書,你會選哪本?
從過去到現在,《聖經》都是對我的思想影響最大的書,雖然我這麼說可能顯得很老套。我從小就在讀它,熟記其中的片段,按它的指導行事。我現在仍然覺得它是智慧的源泉,能安慰我,鼓勵我。
你書架上的哪些書可能讓我們覺得意外?
你們可能不會想到我的書架上有共和黨人的回憶錄,比如喬治·W·布殊(George W. Bush)總統的《抉擇時刻》和參議員約翰·麥凱恩(John McCain)的《父輩的信仰》。
上一本讓你大笑的書是什麼?
珍妮特·伊萬諾維奇(Janet Evanovich)關於斯芬蒂尼·普拉姆(Stephanie Plum)在特倫頓歷險的系列圖書總能讓我大笑。
如果你要舉辦一個文學宴會派對,你會邀請哪三位作家?
我會選擇只邀請一位客人,共進一頓漫長的晚餐:威廉·莎士比亞(William Shakespeare)。我很想知道誰會現身,他到底寫了什麼。
有哪些書你還沒讀過,讓你難為情?
要承認有多少書我還沒讀過會讓我很難為情,所以我不承認了!但是其中一本是普魯斯特(Proust)的《追憶似水年華》(In Search of Lost Time)。我一直沒擠出時間讀它。
本文最初發表於2014年6月15日
翻譯:王相宜




OP-ED COLUMNIST

Madam Secretary Made a Difference

WHEN politicians have trouble spinning their own glories, that’s a problem.
So it was bizarre that Hillary Rodham Clinton, asked at a forum in April about her legacy at the State Department, had trouble articulating it. That feeds into a narrative — awaiting her memoir on Tuesday — that she may have been glamorous as secretary of state but didn’t actually accomplish much.
In fact, that’s dead wrong, for Clinton achieved a great deal and left a hefty legacy — just not the traditional kind. She didn’t craft a coalition of allies, like James Baker, one of the most admired secretaries of state. She didn’t seal a landmark peace agreement, nor is there a recognizable “Hillary Clinton doctrine.”
No, her legacy is different.
For starters, Clinton recognized that our future will be more about Asia than Europe, and she pushed hard to rebalance our relations. She didn’t fully deliver on this “pivot” — generally she was more successful at shaping agendas than delivering on them — but the basic instinct to turn our ship of state to face our Pacific future was sound and overdue.
More fundamentally, Clinton vastly expanded the diplomatic agenda. Diplomats historically focused on “hard” issues, like trade or blowing up stuff, and so it may seem weird and “soft” to fret about women’s rights or economic development.
Yet Clinton understood that impact and leverage in 21st-century diplomacy often come by addressing poverty, the environment, education and family planning.
It’s not that Clinton was a softie. She was often more hawkish than the White House,favoring the surge in Afghanistan (a mistake, I believe) and the arming of moderate Syrian rebel groups (a good call, but one vetoed by President Obama).
Yet she grew truly animated when discussing the new diplomatic agenda. A couple of times I moderated panels during the United Nations General Assembly in which she talked passionately — and bewilderingly, for some of the audience — about civil society, women leaders and agricultural investments.
Pinstriped foreign and prime ministers looked on, happy to be considered important enough to be invited. They listened with increasingly furrowed brows, as if absorbing an alien language, as Clinton brightly spoke about topics such as “the business case for focusing on gender in agricultural development.”
Clinton was relentless about using the spotlight that accompanied her to highlight those who needed it more. At one global forum, she went out of her way to praise Muhammad Yunus, the Nobel Peace Prize-winning entrepreneur of microfinance, who was being persecuted by the Bangladesh prime minister. On trips, she found time to visit shelters for victims of human trafficking or aid groups doing groundbreaking work.
She may hide it, but Clinton is a policy nerd. Ask about microfinance, and she’ll talk your ear off. Mention early childhood interventions, and she will gush about obscure details of a home visitation experiment in Elmira, N.Y., that dramatically improved child outcomes.
The kidnapping of the Nigerian schoolgirls in April was the kind of issue Clinton was out front of. She understood that educating girls isn’t a frilly “soft” issue, but a way to transform a country to make it less hospitable to extremists. No one argued more presciently that women’s rights are security issues.
“Those who argue that her championing of outreach to women and girls and her elevation of development was not serious miss a central reality of international politics in this century,” notes Nicholas Burns, who was undersecretary of state in the George W. Bush presidency. “These issues are now mainstream globally.”
“I disagree very strongly with those who charge that Hillary Clinton was not successful,” adds Burns, who is now at Harvard’s Kennedy School of Government. “A fair-minded view is that she was, in fact, highly effective.”
Clinton was pioneering not only in the way she expanded the diplomatic agenda, but also in the tools she forged to promote it. She pushed government-to-people relations and people-to-people ties.
Some of this was pioneered in the George W. Bush administration, but Clinton greatly escalated public diplomacy with a rush into social media.
“She was very clear about it: This is the 21st century, and we’re fools if we don’t use it,” recalls Michael McFaul, who became ambassador to Russia in this time. McFaul then had no idea what a tweet was, and there was strong resistance from senior diplomats. “I said the boss wants to do this,” McFaul recalls, and he ultimately became a champion tweeter.
Today it’s routine to use social media in multiple languages to communicate American diplomatic messages to the world.
So, sure, critics are right that Hillary Rodham Clinton never achieved the kind of landmark peace agreement that would make the first sentence of her obituary. But give her credit: She expanded the diplomatic agenda and adopted new tools to promote it — a truly important legacy.
And, anyway, she may have grander dreams about how her obituary should begin.
I invite you to comment on this column on my blog, On the Ground. Please also join me on Facebook and Google+, watch my YouTube videos and follow me on Twitter.

希拉里是一位有作為的國務卿


如果一個政客編造不出自己的光輝事迹,那就出問題了。
這就是為什麼當希拉里·羅德姆·克林頓(Hillary Rodham Clinton)在四月的一個論壇上被人問起領導國務院(State Department)有何政績時,她的表述之吃力是讓人感到詫異的。眼看她的回憶錄將於周二出版,這件事進一步助長了一種說法,即她雖然是個光彩照人的國務卿,但其實沒有什麼成就。
這說法大錯特錯,事實上克林頓有很多的成就,政績實為可觀——只不過不是傳統意義上的那種。她沒有像詹姆斯·貝克(James Baker)——最受仰慕的國務卿之一——那樣精心構建一個聯盟。她沒有促成一項劃時代的和平協議,也沒提出一個具有辨識度的「希拉里·克林頓主義」。
她的政績是與眾不同的。
首先,克林頓認識到我們的未來更多地在亞洲而非歐洲,並奮力推行外交關係的「再平衡」。她沒有完全實現這種「轉向」——總的來說,她對議程的規劃要優於實現——然而,將美國這艘船的航行轉至我們的太平洋未來的方向,這樣的直覺是可靠的,而且早該如此。
在更根本的層面上,克林頓大規模擴展了外交議程。以往的外交人士都會把注意力放在「硬」問題上,比如貿易,或者去炸掉什麼東西,因此,如果在女性權益或者經濟發展這種事情上憂心忡忡,就顯得既古怪又「軟」了。
然而克林頓明白,21世紀外交的影響力和本錢,往往是通過對貧困、環境、教育和家庭規劃等問題的處理得來的。
克林頓並不軟。相比白宮,她往往更傾向於鷹派,主張增兵阿富汗(這一點,我認為是錯了),向敘利亞溫和派反叛組織提供武裝(好建議,但被奧巴馬總統否決)。
在討論新的外交議程時,她就顯出了真正的活力。在我主持的幾次聯合國大會(United Nations General Assembly)座談會上,她曾經就公民社會、女性領袖和農業投資發表過充滿激情的講話,而這對有的觀眾來說是令人困惑的。
衣冠楚楚的外長和總理們在一旁聆聽,他們對自己有資格受邀參加這種級別的活動感到高興。隨着講話的進行,他們的眉頭皺得越來越緊,彷彿在努力掌握一門外星語言,克林頓正在熱情地談着「在農業發展中關注性別問題的商業論證」。
利用自身吸引到的聚光燈,克林頓不斷地去突顯那些更需要關注的人。在一個國際論壇上,她特意讚揚了諾貝爾和平獎得主、小額信貸倡導者穆罕默德·尤努斯(Muhammad Yunus),當時他正受到孟加拉國總理的迫害。出行期間,她會抽時間去探訪人口販賣受害者的庇護所,或協助一些組織去完成突破性的工作。
雖然隱藏得很好,但克林頓其實是個政策迷。你要問她小額信貸,她會跟你說個沒完。跟她提一句兒童早期干預,她會滔滔不絕地講述紐約州埃爾邁拉一個家訪實驗的種種複雜細節,該實驗給孩子的成長帶去極大助益。
四月發生在尼日利亞的女學生綁架案,正是克林頓會凜然面對的那種問題。她知道向女孩提供教育並非旁枝末節的「軟」問題,而是一種給國家帶來轉變的方式,讓這個國家變得不那麼容易滋生極端主義。在女性權益屬於安全問題這一點上,她的論證最具預見性。
「她提倡關愛婦女與兒童,推崇發展,有人認為這些都不是正經事,這種想法忽視了本世紀國際政治的一個核心現實,」曾在喬治·W·布殊(George W. Bush)政府任助理國務卿的尼古拉斯·伯恩斯(Nicholas Burns)說。「這些現在都是全球性的主流問題。」
「對那些指責希拉里不成功的人,我是非常不贊同的,」現供職於哈佛大學肯尼迪政府學院(Kennedy School of Government)的伯恩斯說。「公平地看,她實際上非常有效。」
克林頓的開創性不僅體現在她對外交議程的拓展上,還有她為了推廣這些議程而打造的手段。她促進了政府與人民、人民與人民的關係。
這其中有一部分是喬治·W·布殊政府起得頭,但是克林頓通過迅速進入社交媒體,大幅提高了公共外交水平。
「她想得很清楚:這是21世紀,不把這利用起來就是傻子了,」時任駐俄羅斯大使的邁克爾·麥克福爾(Michael McFaul)回憶道。麥克福爾當時根本不知道什麼叫一條「推文」(tweet),資深外交人士對此頗為抗拒。「我說是老闆要求的,」麥克福爾回憶道,後來他成了一個頂尖的推特用戶。
使用多種語言在社交媒體中進行溝通,將美國的外交訊息傳達給全世界,如今已經是一個常規手段。
批評人士說,希拉里·羅德姆·克林頓始終沒有達成一個能寫到訃告第一段里去的劃時代和平協議,這話當然是沒錯的。但該給的功勞也要給:她拓展了外交議程,引入了新的推廣手段——這絕對是一項重要政績。
何況,關於訃告第一段該怎麼寫,她可能懷着更遠大的理想呢。

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