〔編 譯管淑平／綜合報導〕率領捷克斯洛伐克一九八九年非暴力「絲絨革命」、推翻共產黨統治的捷克前總統哈維爾十八日過世，享壽七十五歲。哈維爾當年以詩人、劇 作家的文化人身分推動民主運動、促使共黨下台，成為捷克史詩民主奮鬥史的英雄，他也獲選共黨政權瓦解後的捷克斯洛伐克聯邦總統。在他總統任內，捷克與斯洛 伐克和平分離、各自獨立，捷克轉型民主、自由市場經濟。
哈維爾的秘書譚契柯娃十八日表示，長期罹病的哈維爾十八日上午在位於捷克北部的週末 住所過世，生前最後一段時間，是在妻子和照顧他的修女陪伴下度過。曾是老菸槍的哈維爾，幾十年來都受慢性呼吸道疾病所苦，也曾罹患肺癌；過世前最後幾次公 開露面，包括一週前坐著輪椅在布拉格與來訪的西藏精神領袖達賴喇嘛會晤，身形都愈見孱弱。
一 九八四年出獄後，哈維爾持續推動民主，促成八九年十二月二十九日捷克斯洛伐克首次民主選舉，哈維爾獲選為總統，以非暴力手段終結共黨統治、政權和平轉移， 即所謂「絲絨革命」。他擔任總統後，捷克與斯洛伐克分家的呼聲高漲，最終於九二和九三年各自獨立，哈維爾在九三年一月獲選為獨立後的捷克共和國總統，並於 九八年連任，二○○三年卸任。
靦 腆、帶書卷氣的哈維爾，被視為人民力量和平推翻集權統治的象徵，他的名言：「真理和愛必戰勝謊言和仇恨」，是他帶領捷克民主化運動的座右銘，也是畢生奉行 的圭臬。哈維爾譏諷共產黨統治下的捷克是「荒誕國度」，卸任總統後致力全球民主人權，曾多次在國際上為台灣仗義執言，○四年曾訪問台灣；○八年俄羅斯入侵 喬治亞後，他批評俄羅斯政府，也勸告歐洲領袖「不應視而不見」。哈維爾曾呼籲中國政府釋放異議人士劉曉波，劉曉波受哈維爾「七七憲章」啟發，起草「○八憲 章」呼籲中國民主改革遭當局逮捕。他說，全球經濟危機是一個警訊，提醒世人爭取繁榮不能拋棄基本人性價值。他對捷克民主的貢獻、以及後來致力達佛、緬甸民 主、人權，讓他曾數度被提名角逐諾貝爾和平獎，也獲美國前總統布希頒贈「總統自由勳章」，讚譽他是「一名最偉大的自由英雄」。
捷 克總理Necas說，哈維爾是「我國共和的象徵和代表，他是上個世紀、也是這個世紀初最重要的政治人物之一，他的逝世是一大損失。」各國領袖也紛紛發表聲 明致哀，向這名捷克民主運動靈魂人物致敬。出身東德共黨的德國總理梅克爾讚揚，哈維爾是「偉大的歐洲人」，他為民主、自由的奮鬥，一如其展現的偉大人性一 樣永誌人心，「尤其是我們德國人，有許多要向他感謝的」。
Vaclav Havel, Dissident Playwright Who Led Czechoslovakia, Dead at 75
By DAN BILEFSKY and JANE PERLEZ
Published: December 18, 2011Vaclav Havel, the Czech writer and dissident whose eloquent dissections of Communist rule helped to destroy it in revolutions that brought down the Berlin Wall and swept Havel himself into power, died on Sunday. He was 75.
Lubomir Kotek-Gerard Fouet/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images
Havel, Still a Man of Morals and Mischief (October 14, 2009)
Joel Robine/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images
Filip Singer/European Pressphoto Agency
His assistant, Sabina Tancevova, said that Mr. Havel died at his country house in northern Bohemia.
A Czech embassy spokesman in Paris, Michal Dvorak, said in a statement that Mr. Havel, a heavy smoker for decades who almost died during surgery for lung cancer in 1996, had been suffering from severe respiratory ailments since last spring.
A shy yet resilient, unfailingly polite but dogged man who articulated the power of the powerless, Mr. Havel spent five years in and out of Communist prisons, lived for two decades under close secret-police surveillance and endured the suppression of his plays and essays. He served 14 years as president, wrote 19 plays, inspired a film and a rap song and remained one of his generation’s most seductively nonconformist writers.
All the while, he came to personify the soul of the Czech nation. His moral authority and his moving use of the Czech language cast him as the dominant figure during Prague street demonstrations in 1989 and as the chief behind-the-scenes negotiator who brought about the end of more than 40 years of Communist rule and the peaceful transfer of power known as the Velvet Revolution, a revolt so smooth that it took just weeks to complete, without a single shot fired.
He was chosen as democratic Czechoslovakia’s first president — a role he insisted was more duty than aspiration — and after the country split in January 1993, he became president of the Czech Republic. He linked the country firmly to the west, clearing the way for the Czech Republic to join the North Atlantic Treaty Organization in 1999 and the European Union five years later.
Both as a dissident and as a national leader, Mr. Havel impressed the West as one of the most important political thinkers in Central Europe. He rejected the notion, posited by reform-minded Communist leaders like Mikhail S. Gorbachev in the Soviet Union and Alexander Dubcek in Czechoslovakia, that Communist rule could be made more humane.
His star status and personal interests drew world leaders to Prague, from the Dalai Lama, with whom Mr. Havel meditated for hours, to President Bill Clinton, who, during a state visit in 1994, joined a saxophone jam session at Mr. Havel’s favorite jazz club.
Even after Mr. Havel retired in 2003, leaders sought him out, including President Obama. At their meeting in March 2009, Mr. Havel warned of the perils of limitless hope being projected onto a leader. Disappointment, he noted, could boil over into anger and resentment. Mr. Obama replied that he was becoming acutely aware of the possibility.
It was as a dissident that Mr. Havel most clearly championed the ideals of a civil society. He helped found Charter 77, the longest enduring human rights movement in the former Soviet bloc, and keenly articulated the lasting humiliations that Communism imposed on the individual.
In his now iconic 1978 essay, “The Power of the Powerless,” which circulated in underground editions in Czechoslovakia and was smuggled to other Warsaw Pact countries and to the West, Mr. Havel foresaw that the opposition could eventually prevail against the totalitarian state.
Mr. Havel, a child of bourgeois privilege whose family lost its wealth when the Communists came to power in 1948, first became active in the Writers Union in Czechoslovakia in the mid-1960s, when his chief target was not Communism so much as it was the “reform Communism” that many were seeking.
During the Prague Spring of 1968, the brief period when reform Communists, led byMr. Dubcek, believed that “Socialism with a human face” was possible, Mr. Havel argued that Communism could never be tamed.
He wrote an article, “On the Theme of an Opposition,” that advocated the end of single-party rule — a bold idea at the time. In May 1968, he was invited by the American theater producer Joseph Papp to see the New York Shakespeare Festival’s production of his second play, “The Memorandum.”
It was the last time Mr. Havel was allowed out of the country under Communist rule; the visit contributed to an abiding affection for New York.
After the Soviets sent tanks to suppress the Prague reforms in August 1968, Mr. Havel persisted in the fight for political freedom. In August 1969 he organized a petition of 10 points that repudiated the politics of “normalization” with the Soviet Union. He was accused of subversion, and in 1970 was vilified on state television and banned as a writer.
At the time, tens of thousands of Communists were expelled from the party, deemed too sympathetic to the Dubcek reforms that were being reversed by the Czechoslovak leader Gustav Husak. Mr. Havel kept writing, and in 1975, in an open letter to Mr. Husak — the leader he eventually replaced — he attacked the regime, arguing that Czechoslovakia operated under “political apartheid” that separated the rulers from the ruled.
The government, Mr. Havel wrote, had chosen “the most dangerous road for society: the path of inner decay for the sake of outward appearances; of deadening life for the sake of increasing uniformity.”
In 1977, Mr. Havel was one of three leading organizers of Charter 77, a group of 242 signers who called for the human rights guaranteed under the 1975 Helsinki accords. Mr. Havel was quickly arrested, tried and convicted of subversion and served three months in prison. He was arrested again in May 1979 on a charge of subversion and was sentenced to four and a half years.
1977年，哈維爾先生是77憲章的三個主要組織者之一，它由 242人簽名，呼籲當局根據1975年的赫爾辛基協議來保障人權。哈維爾先生很快就被逮捕，依顛覆罪被審判並定罪，他在監獄服刑3個月。 1979年5月，他再次被捕，並被判處 4年半顛覆罪，。
The severity of this sentence brought protests from the Communist parties in France, Italy and Spain. Mr. Havel was eventually released in February 1983, suffering from pneumonia.
In prison, he was prohibited from writing anything but letters about “family matters” to his wife. These missives, he said, enabled him to make some sense of his incarceration. One of his themes was a warning to his persecutors that by their repression of human freedom, they were ultimately undercutting their own existence.
His refusal to break with Charter 77 led to other, briefer periods of detention as his celebrity status grew abroad. In January 1989, he was detained and tried after defying police orders to stay away from a demonstration.
His release in May that year marked the beginning of the end for Czechoslovakia’s Communist government, which was badly out of step with reforms under way in neighboring Poland and Hungary and, under the leadership of Mr. Gorbachev, in the Soviet Union itself.
During the 1980s, Mr. Havel refused government pressure to emigrate. Not widely known at home outside dissident and intellectual circles in Prague, he became a focus for some Western diplomats and visitors, who would tramp up to the top-floor apartment of a six-story house that his father had built and philosophize with Mr. Havel while gazing across the Vltava River at the Castle.
The Vltava's bend in Prague
River, Czech Republic. The Czech Republic's longest river, it flows 270 mi (435 km). The river rises in southwestern Bohemia from two headstreams in the Bohemian Forest. It flows first southeast, then north across Bohemia and empties into the Elbe River.
The Vltava ( listen ; German: Moldau) is the longest river in the Czech Republic, running north from its source in Šumava through Český Krumlov, České Budějovice, and Prague, merging with the Elbe at Mělník. It is 430 km long and drains about 28,090 km2; at their confluence the Vltava actually has more water than the Elbe, but joins the Elbe at a right angle to its flow so that it appears a mere tributary. The river is crossed by 18 bridges and runs through Prague over 31 km. Several dams were built on it in the 1950s, the biggest being Lipno Dam in Šumava.
In August 2002 a flood of the Vltava killed several people and caused massive damage and disruption along its length.
The best-known of the classical Czech composer Bedřich Smetana's set of six symphonic poems Má vlast ("My Motherland") is called Vltava (or The Moldau), and is a musical depiction of the river's course through Bohemia.
He earned virtually nothing from the menial job he was forced to take at a brewery, but had money from the royalties of publications overseas. He bought a Mercedes-Benz and decorated his book-crammed apartment with abstract paintings. He also owned the cottage at Hradecek where he died.
Mr. Havel’s chance at power came in November 1989, eight days after the Berlin Wall fell.
A tentative dialogue had already started when the police broke up an officially sanctioned student demonstration on Nov. 17, beating many demonstrators and arresting others.
當警察在11月17日驅散某一正式認可的學生示威，毆打並逮捕多名示威者時，就已開始短暫的對話。Two days later, Mr. Havel convened a meeting in the Magic Lantern, a Prague theater, and he and other dissidents established the Civic Forum. It called for the resignation of the leading Communists, investigation of the police action and the release of all political prisoners.
The next day, an estimated 200,000 people took to the streets in Prague — the first of several demonstrations that ended Communist domination.
It was in the theater’s smoke-filled rooms that Mr. Havel mapped the strategy and proclamations that finally undermined Communist rule. “It was extraordinary the degree to which everything ultimately revolved around this one man,” wrote the historian Timothy Garton Ash, who was present.
“In almost all the Forum’s major decisions and statements,” Mr. Garton Ash added, “he was the final arbiter, the one person who could somehow balance the very different tendencies and interests in the movement.”
Once installed at the Castle, Mr. Havel gradually discarded crumpled jeans and sweaters for crisp shirts and somber suits, although he often seemed more at home in the counterculture. On a trip abroad in 1995, he ignored awaiting dignitaries and lingered on an airport tarmac for a chat with Mick Jagger.
In the first months his presidency, visitors to Prague’s labyrinthine Castle included Frank Zappa and the Rolling Stones. He covered the side of the building with a large neon-red heart, and pedaled the corridors with a child’s scooter.
“Initially he had difficulty changing his mentality from being a dissident to a politician,” said Jiri Pehe, who was his chief political adviser from 1997 to 1999. But Mr. Pehe argued that Mr. Havel had been a better president than many had expected.
“Because of his moral authority, he was able to stretch a weak presidency beyond what was written in the Constitution,” Mr. Pehe said.
But critics said Mr. Havel, a self-professed reluctant leader, learned to like power a little too much. Many Czechs were also disappointed that he refused to outlaw the Communist Party or to put on trial the system that had allowed neighbors to send one another to labor camps.
In June 1992, as Czechoslovakia began to break up, Mr. Havel resigned as president rather than preside over the split. He spoke then of the difficult metamorphosis from philosopher to politician.
“Putting into practice the ideals to which I have adhered all my life, which guided me in the dissident years, becomes much more difficult in practical politics,” he said, before being later elected president of the new Czech Republic.
As soon as he came to power, Mr. Havel steered his country toward the West. On his first visit to the United States as president, in February 1990, Mr. Havel stressed that American financial aid was not as important as technical assistance to help his country — historically an industrial power — compete again in the international marketplace.
Days later, he met Mr. Gorbachev in Moscow and swiftly negotiated the withdrawal of 70,000 Soviet troops stationed in Czechoslovakia.
At home, Mr. Havel’s role evolved into one of educator and moral persuader. In weekly radio talks, he often addressed human rights, touching on issues that were sensitive in Czech society. He championed, for instance, the rights of Gypsies, or Roma, despite surveys that showed that most Czechs would not want a Gypsy as a neighbor.
Early in his presidency, he also went against popular sentiment when he formed a commission to inquire into the expulsion of three million Sudeten Germans from Czechoslovakia after World War II.
Political ideas, not economics, interested him. His country, widely considered to have made a smooth transition from Communism to market democracy, came in for his devastating critique in December 1997, when he attacked corruption and the sell-off of government-run industries in a thinly veiled barb at his political nemesis, the longtime prime minister — and now president — Vaclav Klaus.
Expressing disdain for what had happened to Czech society under Mr. Klaus — an ally of convenience in the days of the 1989 revolution — Mr. Havel told parliament that a “post-Communist morass” had allowed “the most immoral people” to achieve financial success at the expense of others.
Mr. Klaus, a right-wing maverick who espouses the untrammeled capitalism Mr. Havel disliked, succeeded Mr. Havel as president in 2003. On Sunday, Mr. Klaus paid tribute to Mr. Havel, calling him “the symbol of the new era of the Czech state.”
While many in the West worshiped Mr. Havel, in his native country he was regarded with deep affection but also ambivalence, and even scorn. His slogan during the revolution that truth and love must prevail over lies and hatred was mocked by foes, who accused him of naïveté.
Mr. Havel’s standing with Czechs faltered somewhat in 1997 after his surprise marriage to Dagmar Veskrnova, an actress who had once played a topless vampire in a film, only a year after the death of his much admired first wife of 31 years, Olga. In January 1998 the parliament, resentful of what was seen as Mr. Havel’s arrogant behavior with his new wife and his meddling in political affairs, elected him to a second presidential term by only one vote.
Erik Tabery, a Czech journalist and the author of a book on the Czech presidency, said some Czechs resented Mr. Havel for holding up an uncomfortable mirror to their history of passivity. “While the Communists ruled for 40 years, most Czechs stayed at home and did nothing,” Mr. Tabery said. “Havel did something.”
Born on Oct. 5, 1936, Mr. Havel was one of two sons of Bozena and Vaclav Havel. His father, a civil engineer, was a major commercial real estate developer who acquired important property. When the Communists took power three years after World War II, the family holdings were taken over by the state. After Communist rule ended, Mr. Havel and his brother, Ivan, won back much of the property.
Mr. Havel would later write that his privileged upbringing heightened his sensitivity to inequality.
“I was different from my schoolmates whose families did not have domestics, nurses or chauffeurs,” he wrote. “But I experienced these differences as a disadvantage; I felt excluded from the company of my peers.”
He started writing, he said, to overcome his feeling of being an outsider. Because of his background, the Communists blocked him from going to college, and at age 15 he started work as a technician in a chemistry lab.
Mr. Havel was called up for military service in 1957, and wrote a satirical play while in the army. In 1960, he joined the Theater on the Balustrade as a stagehand. In 1963 he wrote his first publicly performed play, “The Garden Party,” about a person who has lost his sense of identity to such a degree that he goes to look for himself in his own apartment.
In 1956 Mr. Havel met Olga Splichalova, a lively, dashing actress, whom he married in 1964. A working-class heroine for many Czechs, she helped to inspire the collection of essays, written as letters from prison, and published as “Letters to Olga.” In dissident circles and beyond, Mr. Havel was a celebrated womanizer. Mrs. Havlova, who was fiercely defensive of her husband, was said by friends to have a certain reassurance when he was in prison, because “at least she knew where he was.”
When Mr. Havel became president, his wife seldom took part in formal events, but used her new platform to campaign for the handicapped. She died of cancer in January 1996. They had no children.
Mr. Havel is survived by his second wife, Dagmar, and his brother, Ivan.
After stepping down as president in 2003, Mr. Havel, ailing and tired, returned to writing, insisting he was happy with a peaceful life. In his memoir, “To the Castle and Back,” published in 2007, he called his political rise an accident of history. Post-Communist society disappointed him, he said.
In 2008, Mr. Havel re-emerged as a playwright with a new absurdist tragic-comedy, “Leaving,” depicting a womanizing former political leader who grudgingly confronts life outside of politics.
He never stopped preaching that the fight for political freedom needed to outlive the end of the Cold War. He praised the United States’ invasion of Iraq for deposing an evil dictator, Saddam Hussein.
He continued to worry about what he called “the old European disease” — “the tendency to make compromises with evil, to close one’s eyes to dictatorship, to practice a politics of appeasement.”
This article has been revised to reflect the following correction:
Correction: December 18, 2011
An earlier version of this article, by the Associated Press, incorrectly identified the title of an essay by Vaclav Havel. It is “The Power of the Powerless,” not “The Power and the Powerless.”
由Dan BILEFSKY和簡 PERLEZ
盧伯米爾科鐵克杰拉德Fouet /法新社 - 蓋蒂圖片
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喬爾 Robine /法新社 - 格蒂圖片
哈維爾先生，於 1988年離開，在布拉格的一次集會。更多圖片 »
在這期間，他來到捷克民族的靈魂。他的道德權威和他的捷克語言的移動運用，投作為主導人物，他於 1989年在布拉格街頭示威行政幕後的談判帶來超過 40年的共產黨統治的結束，和平轉移被稱為天鵝絨革命力量，起義如此順利，只花了個星期才能完成，沒有一個單一的開槍射擊，。
他被選為民主捷克斯洛伐克第一任總統 - 一個角色，他堅持說超過願望責任 - 分裂國家於 1993年1月後，他成為捷克共和國總統。他聯繫的國家堅定地向西部，捷克共和國加入北大西洋條約組織於 1999年，五年後的歐洲聯盟掃清了道路。
哈維爾先生，一個孩子的家庭失去了它的財富，當共產黨人於 1948年來到的資產階級特權，首次成為活躍在捷克斯洛伐克作家聯盟在20世紀 60年代中期，當他的首要目標是不是共產主義，因為它是這麼多“改革共產主義”，許多正在尋求。
他寫道：“在反對派的主題”的文章，主張結束一黨統治 - 一個大膽的想法在當時。在1968年5月，他應邀參加由美國戲劇製片人約瑟夫帕普看到紐約莎士比亞戲劇節的他第二次的發揮，生產“的備忘錄。”
當時，成千上萬的共產黨人被開除黨籍，被認為太同情杜布切克的捷克斯洛伐克領導人古斯塔夫胡薩克被扭轉改革。哈維爾先生不停地寫作，並於 1975年，他在一封公開信給胡薩克先生 - 的領導者，他最終取代 - 攻擊政權，爭辯說，根據“政治隔離”分開的統治者被統治者捷克斯洛伐克經營。
1977年，哈維爾先生是77憲章，一組 242個簽名，呼籲根據 1975年的赫爾辛基協議所保障的人權三個主要組織者之一。哈維爾先生很快就被逮捕，顛覆而被審判和定罪，並在監獄服刑3個月內。 1979年5月，他再次被捕，顛覆費，被判處 4年半。
他拒絕中斷與 77憲章導致其他簡短的拘留期間，他的名人身份在國外長大。 1989年1月，他被拘留後試圖違抗警令遠離示範。
第二天，估計有20萬人參加了在布拉格的街道 - 結束共產黨統治的幾次示威。
當他上台後，哈維爾先生帶領他的國家對西方的。在他作為總統於 1990年2月，美國的首次訪問，哈維爾先生強調，美國的財政援助，技術援助，以幫助他的國家 - 歷史上一個工業強國 - 在國際市場上競爭。
政治理念，而不是經濟學，他感興趣的。他的國家，被廣泛認為有一個平穩過渡，從共產主義到市場民主，排在他毀滅性的批判，在1997年12月，當他在一個路人皆知的倒鉤襲擊腐敗和政府校辦產業的拋售，在他的政治剋星橫行多年的總理 - 現任總統 - 克勞斯。
表示發生了什麼事，以先生的領導下克勞斯捷克社會的蔑視 - 方便的在天的1989年革命的盟友 - 哈維爾先生告訴國會，“後共產主義的泥沼”允許“最不道德的人”，以實現財務在犧牲別人的成功。
哈維爾先生與捷克的地位，在1997年後，他驚訝的婚姻，曾經扮演一名半裸的吸血鬼女演員在一部電影中，只有一年去世後，他多推崇的第一妻子31歲，奧爾加達格瑪 Veskrnova有點動搖。 1998年1月哈維爾先生的傲慢與他的新妻子和他在政治事務的干涉行為的不滿，議會，選舉他第二個總統任期只有一票。
埃里克Tabery，捷克記者和捷克總統的書的作者說，一些捷克人反感哈維爾先生舉行了一個舒服的一面鏡子，他們的被動歷史。 “雖然共產黨統治了40年，大多數捷克人留在家裡什麼也沒做，Tabery先生說。” “哈維爾做了。”
哈維爾先生是在1957年的兵役叫了起來，諷刺的發揮，而在軍隊中寫道。 1960年，他加入了劇院作為 stagehand欄杆。 1963年，他寫了他的第一次公開演出的發揮，“遊園會，”關於一個人已經失去了他的認同感的人到這種程度，他去為自己尋找在自己的公寓。
1956年，哈維爾先生會見了奧爾加 Splichalova，活潑，瀟灑的女演員，他於 1964年結婚。許多捷克人的一個工人階級的女主人公，她幫助，激發了從監獄的信件寫散文，收集，並在持不同政見人士和超越“奧爾加快報”發表，哈維爾先生是一位著名的追逐女色的。 Havlova，夫人的丈夫狠狠的防守，有人說朋友有一定的保證，當他在監獄裡，因為“至少她知道他在哪裡。”
他繼續擔心他所謂的“老歐洲疾病” - “的傾向，與邪惡的妥協，以接近人的眼睛專政，實行綏靖政策的政治。”
Václav Havel: in memoriam
Václav Havel, playwright and president
Dec 18th 2011, 13:02 by E.L.
EARLY in 1989, your correspondent, newly arrived in communist Czechoslovakia, passed an empty building in the Podoli district of Prague. Someone had written in the grime inside the window: “Svoboda Havlovi” [Freedom for Havel]. It was an interesting moment. The jailed playwright (as we used to call him) was behind bars for hooliganism following an opposition demonstration. The authorities could jail individuals. But they had lost the will, or the capability, to police the inside of shop windows.
The slogan (which was still there a year later when Mr Havel was president) was particularly striking because shop windows were the theme of one of Václav Havel's best-known essays. In "The Power of the Powerless", he ponders the presence of a banal communist propaganda poster, reading "Workers of the world, unite!" in a greengrocer's window.
Why does he do it? What is he trying to communicate to the world? Is he genuinely enthusiastic about the idea of unity among the workers of the world? Is his enthusiasm so great that he feels an irrepressible impulse to acquaint the public with his ideals? Has he really given more than a moment's thought to how such a unification might occur and what it would mean?
I think it can safely be assumed that the overwhelming majority of shopkeepers never think about the slogans they put in their windows, nor do they use them to express their real opinions. That poster was delivered to our greengrocer from the enterprise headquarters along with the onions and carrots. He put them all into the window simply because it has been done that way for years, because everyone does it, and because that is the way it has to be. If he were to refuse, there could be trouble. He could be reproached for not having the proper decoration in his window; someone might even accuse him of disloyalty. He does it because these things must be done if one is to get along in life. It is one of the thousands of details that guarantee him a relatively tranquil life "in harmony with society," as they say.
That encapsulated the way many Czechs and Slovaks dealt with their fate after the Soviet-led invasion of 1968. To many outsiders the country seemed numb, the subject of a kind of moral castration. Resistance was useless: even if you changed the system, the Soviet tanks would crush what you attempted. So the only solution was to withdraw into internal (or, for a few, external) exile.
The cocktail that fuelled totalitarianism was a mixture of fear and pretence: the greengrocer pretended to be loyal for fear of the consequences. Havel noted later in his essay:
If the greengrocer had been instructed to display the slogan "I am afraid and therefore unquestioningly obedient;' he would not be nearly as indifferent to its semantics, even though the statement would reflect the truth. The greengrocer would be embarrassed and ashamed to put such an unequivocal statement of his own degradation in the shop window, and quite naturally so, for he is a human being and thus has a sense of his own dignity. To overcome this complication, his expression of loyalty must take the form of a sign which, at least on its textual surface, indicates a level of disinterested conviction. It must allow the greengrocer to say, "What's wrong with the workers of the world uniting?" Thus the sign helps the greengrocer to conceal from himself the low foundations of his obedience, at the same time concealing the low foundations of power.
But those shallow foundations were vulnerable to individual acts of disobedience. Havel concludes his essay thus:
Let us now imagine that one day something in our greengrocer snaps and he stops putting up the slogans merely to ingratiate himself. He stops voting in elections he knows are a farce. He begins to say what he really thinks at political meetings. And he even finds the strength in himself to express solidarity with those whom his conscience commands him to support. In this revolt the greengrocer steps out of living within the lie. He rejects the ritual and breaks the rules of the game. He discovers once more his suppressed identity and dignity. He gives his freedom a concrete significance. His revolt is an attempt to live within the truth. . . .
That would come at a cost:
He will be relieved of his post as manager of the shop and transferred to the warehouse. His pay will be reduced. His hopes for a holiday in Bulgaria will evaporate. His children's access to higher education will be threatened. His superiors will harass him and his fellow workers will wonder about him. Most of those who apply these sanctions, however, will not do so from any authentic inner conviction but simply under pressure from conditions, the same conditions that once pressured the greengrocer to display the official slogans. They will persecute the greengrocer either because it is expected of them, or to demonstrate their loyalty, or simply as part of the general panorama, to which belongs an awareness that this is how situations of this sort are dealt with, that this, in fact, is how things are always done, particularly if one is not to become suspect oneself. The executors, therefore, behave essentially like everyone else, to a greater or lesser degree: as components of the post-totalitarian system, as agents of its automatism, as petty instruments of the social auto-totality.
Havel concluded with his most famous exhortation: to live in truth was to deny the communist system its legitimacy, and ultimately its power:
Thus the power structure, through the agency of those who carry out the sanctions, those anonymous components of the system, will spew the greengrocer from its mouth....The greengrocer has not committed a simple, individual offence, isolated in its own uniqueness, but something incomparably more serious. By breaking the rules of the game, he has disrupted the game as such. He has exposed it as a mere game. He has shattered the world of appearances, the fundamental pillar of the system. He has upset the power structure by tearing apart what holds it together. He has demonstrated that living a lie is living a lie. He has broken through the exalted facade of the system and exposed the real, base foundations of power. He has said that the emperor is naked. And because the emperor is in fact naked, something extremely dangerous has happened: by his action, the greengrocer has addressed the world. He has enabled everyone to peer behind the curtain. He has shown everyone that it is possible to live within the truth. Living within the lie can constitute the system only if it is universal. The principle must embrace and permeate everything. There are no terms whatsoever on which it can co-exist with living within the truth, and therefore everyone who steps out of line denies it in principle and threatens it in its entirety...
Havel practised what he preached. He himself was denied higher education, as the scion of a famous bourgeois family. Others might have curried favour by writing plays praising the regime. But he worked as a stage-hand, and studied drama in his spare time. As Czechoslovak communist rule eased in the 1960s, his plays were performed, and gained public acclaim. By 1968, he was a well-known and successful playwright.
For him and the rest of the country's cultural elite, the Soviet-led invasion posed a sharp problem: emigrate, collaborate, or face the consequences. Philosophers became stokers, and poets street-sweepers. Havel took a job in a brewery (which he wrote about in his play "Audience"). In the mid 1970s he moved into active opposition to the regime, defending the underground rock group Plastic People of the Universe and, in 1977, signing the dissident declaration "Charter 77".
The late 1970s were tough years for the captive nations of the Soviet empire. Havel was jailed from 1979 to 1984, during which he wrote the letters to his wife, Olga, that later became part of perhaps his best-known book. He also spent many days under arrest and interrogation. Out of jail, his every move, visitor, letter, phone call and utterance were subject to scrutiny by the StB, the secret-police servants of Czechoslovakia's communist masters.
His last bout of imprisonment came in happier circumstances. Communism was crumbling across the whole of the Warsaw Pact. in Poland his close friends and allies from Solidarity were on the verge of meeting their exhausted persecutors across (or to be more precise around) the negotiating table. At his parole hearing in April, the journalists, diplomats and friends (not exclusive categories) in the courtroom listened as prison officials solemnly gave evidence of the prisoner’s good behaviour. They could say nothing about his rehabilitation, but he had certainly not broken any prison rules. The small, tubby figure beamed and winked. That evening brought a mighty celebration in the palatial rooms of his riverside apartment. Many of those present had spent the last 20 years as the victims of the regime's bullying: for some, the fate was menial labour. For others, it was broken marriages, or children whose life chances were blighted (the StB would often use threats to children's welfare to browbeat the stubborn). The sense of bravery and resistance, matched with impending triumph, was palpable. The regime itself might not know it, but its victims did: the days of the old grey men with cold grey faces were numbered.
Havel was the de-facto leader of the Czechoslovak dissident movement, but it was not a role he enjoyed. He hated the intrusive phone calls from newspapers and radio stations, often retreating to his country cottage for some peace and quiet. He kept his appointments list on a small scrap of folded paper, sometimes entrusted to his beloved friend Zdeněk Urbánek, whose stately good manners and quavering English could deter even the pushiest television crews (many would turn up unannounced, determined to interview the "opposition leader" on the spot, regardless of convenience or even agreement). His habitual and even plaintive refrain was that he was a playwright, not a politician. His only desire was for a political system in which he could do the only job that he felt truly qualified to do.
But events brushed such diffidence aside. After the riot police brutally broke up a student demonstration on November 17th 1989 Havel and his colleagues set up the Civic Forum—a determinedly non-partisan group that initially had no leaders.
But it was leadership that the demonstrators wanted as they swelled Wenceslas Square each day, always in greater numbers. As the regime opened negotiations with Civic Forum, and as heads rolled in both the party and the government, posters saying “Havel na Hrad” (Havel to the Castle) began appearing. In December he reluctantly agreed to run for president (forestalling an attempt to put forward the architect of the Prague Spring, Alexander Dubček). A bunch of cheeky Poles tried to get in on the act too, with posters saying “Havel na Wawel”. If the Czechoslovaks didn’t want him, they would make him king of Poland, to be crowned at the Wawel castle in Cracow.
Havel confounded those who thought he was too dilettantish to be a proper president. He rollerskated through the corridors of Prague castle, exorcising the ghosts of the communist usurpers with his humanity and humour. His addresses to his fellow citizens on New Year's Eve 1989 and 1990 make illuminating and moving reading. In what would be a hallmark of his political approach, he made a point of lending support to beleaguered but like-minded figures abroad. He invited the Lithuanian leader Vytautas Landsbergis to Prague, as that country struggled to turn its declaration of independence from Soviet occupation into reality. He brought the Pope to Prague, overcoming the neurotic anti-Catholicism and secularism of some Czechs, who remember the counter-Reformation and priestly privilege as if they were yesterday. He was a close friend of the the Dalai Lama—almost the first foreign dignitary he received as president, and a visitor in the last days of his life. Others might counsel friendship with the mighty Chinese; for Havel matters of principle were just that. Having themselves been forgotten captives, the Czechs could not possibly forget the plight of the Tibetans, the Uighurs, the Belarusians and the Cubans.
He laid other ghosts of the past too: opening warm diplomatic ties with Israel and giving full co-operation to outside efforts to track down the many Arab terrorists who had trained in Czechoslavakia under communism. He also made a point of friendly ties with Germany—in those days a bogey figure for many Czechs and Slovaks, who feared that the expulsion of Sudeten and other Germans after 1945 was neither forgiven nor forgotten. He hosted the great Richard von Weizsäcker in Prague castle, issuing a carefully worded joint presidential declaration that, thanks to some fancy footwork with Czech grammar, squared the circles of Czech and German resentments about history.
He did not succeed in saving Czechoslovakia from the depredations of ambitious politicians in Prague and Bratislava, who saw great possibilities for their own advancement in smaller and separate countries. But he returned as president of the Czech Republic in 1993 and again in 1998, piloting his country into the European Union and NATO. His great aim, he used to say, was that his countrymen could enjoy life untroubled by politics. But that was only one of his achievements. As a playwright and as an essayist, and as a philosopher of the human condition, his fame stretched far beyond the "small boring European country" whose return to freedom he had so lovingly overseen.
(Picture credit: AFP)
現在讓我們想像在我們的菜販一天的東西捕捉和他站的口號只是為了討好自己。他停止在他知道選舉是一場鬧劇中投票。他開始說他真的認為在政治集會。他甚至認為在自己的力量來表達他的良心命令他支持聲援。在此起義菜販步驟生活在謊言。他拒絕了儀式，並打破了遊戲規則。他發現一次，他壓抑的身份和尊嚴。他給他自由的具體意義。他的起義是試圖生活在真相。 。 。 。
對於他和其他國家的文化精英，蘇聯為首的入侵提出了一個尖銳的問題：移民，合作，否則將面臨的後果。哲學家成為煤機，和詩人掃大街。哈維爾發生在一家啤酒廠（約他寫在他的發揮“觀眾”）工作。在20世紀 70年代中期，他搬進積極反對政權，保衛地下搖滾樂團宇宙塑料人，並於 1977年簽署的持不同政見者的宣言“77憲章”。
20世紀 70年代末，蘇聯帝國的奴役國家強硬年。哈維爾從 1979年到1984年，被關押期間，他寫了也許是他最知名的書的一部分，後來成為他的妻子奧爾加，字母。他還花了許多天，下逮捕和審訊。出獄，他的一舉一動，訪客，信件，電話和話語審議，由STB，捷克斯洛伐克的共產主義大師的秘密警察公務員。
但它是領導示威者希望，因為他們膨脹的瓦茨拉夫廣場每天總是在更大的數字，。該政權與公民論壇開談判，並在黨和政府推出的頭，說：“哈維爾 NA Hrad”（哈維爾城堡）的海報開始出現。在12月，他才勉強同意參加總統競選（防範企圖提出的“布拉格之春，亞歷山大杜布切克的建築師）。一群面露波蘭人試圖讓的行為，與海報說：“哈維爾 NA瓦維爾”。捷克斯洛伐克如果不想讓他，他們將使他為波蘭國王，在克拉科夫的瓦維爾城堡加冕。