2015年9月27日 星期日

從文革走出來的習近平(江春男) Cultural Revolution Shaped China’s Leader, From Schoolboy to Survivor


Cultural Revolution Shaped China’s Leader, From Schoolboy to Survivor

從文革浩劫中走出來的習近平

BEIJING — When the pandemonium of the Cultural Revolution erupted, he was a slight, softly spoken 13-year-old who loved classical Chinese poetry. Two years later, adrift in a city torn apart by warring Red Guards, Xi Jinping had hardened into a combative street survivor.
北京——文化大革命那場浩劫爆發時,他還是個身材瘦小的13歲少年,說起話來語氣溫和,熱愛古典詩詞。兩年後,在武鬥成風的紅衛兵肆虐的北京城裡漂泊沉浮的過程中,習近平變得堅強起來,成了一個在逆境中生存的鬥士。
His father, a senior Communist Party official who had been purged a few years earlier, was seized and repeatedly beaten. Student militantsransacked his family’s home, forcing them to flee, and one of hissisters died in the mayhem. Paraded before a crowd as an enemy of the revolution and denounced by his own mother, the future president of China was on the edge of being thrown into a prison for delinquentchildren of the party elite.
他的父親是中國共產黨的一名高官,早幾年遭到清洗,被抓了起來,而且遭到反覆毆打。學生造反派洗劫了他的家,強迫他們離開。他的一個姐姐在動亂中死去。這位未來的中國國家主席作為反革命分子在眾人面前遊街並被自己的母親譴責,還差一點被投進一個關押黨內高層失足子女的少管所。
Visiting the United States this week, Mr. Xi, 62, has presented himself as a polished statesman, at ease hobnobbing with American capitalistsin Seattle and attending a state dinner at the White House in his honor, set for Friday. Yet his first immersion in politics came on the streets of the Chinese capital during the most tumultuous era of Communist rule, when Mao Zedong exhorted students “to bombard the headquarters” of order.
現年62歲的習近平本周正在美國訪問。他展現出一名成熟政治家的風範,泰然自若地在西雅圖和美國資本家親切交談,周五還會在白宮出席專門為他舉辦的國宴。但他首次接受政治洗禮卻是在中國首都的街頭,在共產黨統治之下最為動蕩的年代,在毛澤東號召學生們「炮打司令部」的時候。
1983年,時任河北正定縣委書記的習近平與群眾交談。
Xinhua Press, via Corbis
1983年,時任河北正定縣委書記的習近平與群眾交談。
“I always had a stubborn streak and wouldn’t put up with being bullied,” Mr. Xi recalled in an interview in 2000, one of the few times he has spoken about his experience as a teenager in Beijing. “I riled the radicals, and they blamed me for everything that went wrong.”
「我有一股倔勁,不甘受欺負,」習近平在2000年接受採訪時回憶道。他很少講到自己年少時在北京的經歷,這是為數不多的一次。我「得罪了造反派,有什麼不好的事都算在我身上。」
Mr. Xi has often discussed the seven years he spent exiled to a rural village during the latter part of the Cultural Revolution, including in a speech in Seattle on Tuesday, casting that chapter of his life as anuplifting story of a city boy who discovers the suffering of ordinary Chinese in the countryside and resolves to make a difference.
習近平經常談起他在文革後期下鄉生活了七年。周二在西雅圖發表講話時,他也再度提及。那段經歷被描述成一段鼓舞人心的故事:城裡的男孩發現中國農村普通人生活艱難,決心努力改變這一狀況。
But Mr. Xi has rarely spoken in public about his experiences from 1966 to 1968 at the tumultuous start of the Cultural Revolution, and his close contemporaries refuse to talk to foreign journalists aboutthose years.
然而,習近平一直很少公開談及他在1966年到1968年間文革伊始那段動蕩時期的經歷,與他關係密切的同輩人也拒絕向外國記者吐露。
An examination of memoirs written by them and by members of Mr. Xi’s family, though, offers an unusually vivid look at how a shy, bookish youth, raised in the bosom of party privilege, was tested and changed by the chaos that unfolded after Mao’s decision to turn the masses against the party establishment.
不過,通過這些人和習近平的家人撰寫的回憶文章,可以非常生動地勾勒出,一個在中共特權的襁褓中長大的、充滿書生氣的羞澀少年,在那場毛澤東決意使大眾將矛頭指向當權派而發起的動亂中,是如何經受考驗並發生改變的。
Mr. Xi started his transformation in the equivalent of the seventh grade in the August 1 School, a cloistered boarding school largely reserved for children with parents in the senior ranks of the party and the military. When Cultural Revolution militants shut it down, heended up at the No. 25 School, which was a hotbed of discontent with the party elite, said Qian Peizhen, chairwoman of the school’s alumni association.
習近平的轉變始於在八一學校上初一的時候。那是一所主要接收黨內和部隊高幹子弟的寄宿學校,與外界隔絕。文革造反派讓八一學校停課後,習近平轉到了第二十五中。根據二十五中校友會執行會長錢佩珍的說法,當時那裡充滿了對黨內高層的不滿情緒。
But as order broke down, Mr. Xi, like many youths, spent little time in class. Mr. Xi and a friend “would hang out all day,” Ms. Qian said.After fleeing their home, he, his mother and his siblings took refuge at the Central Party School, an academy for officials. “We grew up in a highly abnormal environment,” Li Xiaobing, a classmate at the August 1 School, recalled on a school alumni website.
不過,因為文革中社會體系崩塌,習近平像很多青少年一樣,很少上課。從家裡逃出來以後,他和母親以及兄弟姐妹搬到了中央黨校。「我們的成長過程是在一個很不正常的環境下,」習近平在八一學校的同學李小兵在校友會網頁上發佈的一則採訪視頻中回憶道
The purges, zealotry and mass strife that Mao unleashed during the Cultural Revolution left a lasting mark on every Chinese leader whohas succeeded him. But Mr. Xi stands out because he is the first party chief from the generation of the Red Guards — the youth who served as Mao’s shock troops — and because he fell so far before beginning his trek to power, from a family in the party elite to an unmoored life as a teenage political pariah.
毛澤東在文革期間發動的清洗運動、狂熱和群眾衝突,在他之後繼任的每一位中國領導人身上都留下了永久的印記。但習近平有些與眾不同,他是第一位從紅衛兵——毛澤東的奇襲隊——那一代成長起來的黨的領導人,而且在踏上通往權力的長路之前,他曾經跌得那麼重,從一名中共高幹子弟,淪為失勢政治人物無依無靠的子女。
Some of Mr. Xi’s critics argue that his experiences during the Cultural Revolution inform his authoritarian ways. But the imprint of that time was more complex than that, said Patricia M. Thornton, a professor at Oxford who is researching the Cultural Revolution and its legacy.
習近平的一些批評者認為,他在文革期間的經歷為他如今的專製作風提供了註解。但那個時期對習近平產生的影響實際上更為複雜,研究文革及其遺產的牛津大學教授藍夢林(Patricia M. Thornton)表示。
Mr. Xi’s generation venerated Mao, she said, but his family suffered in the violence that Mao unleashed, and Mr. Xi’s outlook is rooted in an elitist rejection of that turmoil.
她說,習近平那一代人崇敬毛澤東,但他的家庭因毛澤東發動的文革暴力而遭受磨難,而且習近平的觀念源於精英主義者對文革動亂的排斥。
“Xi got to see both sides of that time, which is one reason I think he’s such an interesting character,” she said, “but that’s also why he’s so difficult to read.”
「習近平看到了那個時代的兩面,他之所以成為這樣一個有意思的人物,我想這也是原因之一,」她說,「但也讓他難以被外界讀懂。」
Unlike some youths from elite backgrounds, Mr. Xi did not turn against the party or Mao, but learned to revere strict order and abhor challenges to hierarchy, said Yongyi Song, a historian andlibrarian in Los Angeles who has long studied the Cultural Revolution.
與一些精英背景出身的年輕人不同,習近平沒有轉而敵視中共或毛澤東,而是學會了推崇嚴格的秩序、厭惡對等級體系的挑戰,長期研究文革的歷史學者宋永毅表示。宋永毅在洛杉磯一所高校擔任圖書館員
“He suffered much under Mao,” Mr. Song said, “but I think that actually increased his belief that those who are ‘born red,’ those children of the party elite, earned the right to inherit Mao’s place at the center.”
「在毛澤東統治下,他受了很多苦,」宋永毅說,「但我認為這一點實際上強化了他的一種信念,即『紅色子弟』,也就是中共精英的後代,贏得了繼承毛澤東在黨內的核心地位的權利。」
At the August 1 School, Mr. Xi and other students were expected to be exemplary servants of the socialist revolution. “We took the children to clean out latrines, and they did a really fine job,” a former teacher, Tang Yuhua, said in an interview for the school alumni association. “The children of officials did what they were told.”
在八一學校,習近平和其他學生背負着成為社會主義革命模範公僕的期望。「我們帶着學生去掏茅房,大家幹得都挺好的,」之前在八一學校任教的唐毓華在接受該校校友會採訪時說。「幹部子弟聽話。」
One of Mr. Xi’s teachers, Chen Qiuying, recalled him as a studious, elaborately polite boy who was fond of Du Fu, an ancient Chinese poet. He had a “very steady, kind personality,” she said in an interviewpublished in Hong Kong.
據習近平在八一學校時的老師陳秋影回憶,當時他是一個勤奮多思、周到禮貌的少年,喜歡中國古詩人杜甫。他性格「穩重、仁厚」,陳秋影在接受香港媒體採訪時講道。
But Mr. Xi and his brothers and sisters were vulnerable when the Cultural Revolution began because Mao had turned on theirfather, Xi Zhongxun, a revolutionary veteran and vice premier, four years earlier. He lost his post and was sent to work in a factory in central China, while his wife, Qi Xin, kept her job as a party cadre in Beijing.
但文革開始後,習近平和他的兄弟姐妹變成了容易遭受打擊的目標,因為他們的父親,當時的副總理、革命元老習仲勛在四年前已經被打倒。他失去了自己的職位,被下放到位於中國中部的一家工廠工作,而他的妻子齊心則保住了自己的黨內職位,依然留在北京。
Many of the first Red Guards who embraced Mao’s call in August 1966 to purge society of ideological enemies and traitors were the children of party officials. But Mr. Xi could not join them because he was too young and had been tainted by his father’s fall.
毛澤東在1966年8月發出清洗中國社會中意識形態敵人和叛徒的號召,率先響應這一號召的紅衛兵有很多都是幹部子弟。但習近平不能加入,因為他太小,而且也因為父親被打倒而有了政治污點。
Instead, he became a target of abuse, Ms. Chen said.
相反,他成為被虐待的對象,陳秋影說。
“He told me of one incident, in which a primary school sports teacher with a very poor attitude bullied him when the wave of physicalassaults in the Cultural Revolution was spreading,” she said. The sports teacher, she recalled, mocked him as “child of a black gang,” aterm for toppled officials.
「他曾跟我講起過一件事,有個作風很差的小學體育老師,在文革武鬥之風興起時欺負他,」她說。她還記得,那名體育老師嘲笑他是「黑幫子女」,黑幫是當時對被打倒官員的稱呼。
Radicals accused students at the school of betraying Mao by defending their parents and privileges. A journal published by Red Guards described the school as “a cradle for pampering the sons of senior cadres” that had “bred a successor class of the bourgeoisie.”
激進分子指責八一學校的學生背叛毛澤東,因為他們為其父母和自己享受的特權辯解。一份由紅衛兵出版的期刊將這個學校描述為「高幹子弟養尊處優的搖籃」,說它是「培養資產階級接班人的溫床」。
Violence was encouraged and widespread. In August and September of 1966, nearly 1,800 people died in attacks across Beijing, according to party estimates issued in 1980.
在那個年代,暴力行為受到鼓勵,波及甚廣。中國共產黨1980年發佈的估算數字顯示,在1966年8月和9月,整個北京有將近1800人死於迫害。
Mr. Xi lost an elder sister, Xi Heping, his father’s first daughter through an earlier marriage. Official accounts say she was “persecuted to death,” leaving out details, but a historian familiar with the party elite who spoke on condition of anonymity said she probably took her own life under duress, as many targeted by the Red Guards did in those years.
習近平失去了姐姐習和平。她是習仲勛在頭一次婚姻中的長女。官方說法是她被「迫害致死」,沒有給出細節。不過與黨內高層熟識的一名歷史學者表示,她可能是在脅迫之下自殺的,與當年被紅衛兵揪出來的許多人一樣。這名學者要求不具名。
Mr. Xi’s father, who had been exiled to a factory in central China, was seized by Red Guards, who took him to Xi’an, a city in northwest China, where they paraded him around on a truck, beat and interrogated him, and made outlandish accusations that he had used a secret radio set in his home for clandestine foreign contacts.
當時,習近平的父親已被發配去了中部的一家工廠,後來又被紅衛兵抓到了西北的西安市。在那裡,他被拉上一輛卡車遊街,遭到毆打和批鬥,荒謬地受到在家中使用秘密電台暗中通敵的指控。
As the Cultural Revolution spiraled into mayhem, Mr. Xi learned to fend for himself.
隨着文化大革命陷入混亂,習近平學會了保護自己。
“We were the ‘blackest’ in the class, and the others all despised us,”recalled Nie Weiping, a classmate at the No. 25 School whose father had also been purged. “They wouldn’t come near us, and we also despised them.”
「我們在班上是最『黑』的了,當時班上的人都看不起我們,」習近平在二十五中的同學聶衛平回憶道。「不敢沾我們,我們也看不起他們。」聶衛平的父親當時也被打倒了。
One day, he, Mr. Xi and another teenage friend with a purged father, Liu Weiping, were among a large group ambushed by radical Red Guards outside a school hall. “Hundreds of them came rushing out, waving clubs and yelling, and they beat whomever they saw,” Mr. Nie said in a memoir.
一天,聶衛平、習近平和父親同樣被打倒的十幾歲的劉衛平三人與一大群人一起在學校禮堂外遭到激進紅衛兵的突然襲擊。「好幾百人拿着棍子從裡面喊着衝出來,見人就打,」聶衛平在一篇回憶文章中表示。
“Xi Jinping and I moved fast and escaped,” he said, “but Liu Weiping ran a step slower, and almost suffered a concussion from a beating.”
「我和習近平動作快,逃了出來,」他說,「而劉衛平跑得慢了一步,被打成腦震蕩。」
In the interview published in 2000, when he was still a provincial official, Mr. Xi recalled being singled out and detained by the radicals because of his refusal to yield. “They all believed I was a leader,” he said.
在2000年發表的那篇訪談中,還是省級官員的習近平回憶自己當年因為不甘受欺負而被造反派揪出來,「都以為我是頭,」他說。
“They asked me how bad I thought my crimes were,” he said. “I said that they should make a guess, was it enough to deserve being shot? They said it would be enough to be shot 100 times over. I thought,what was the difference between being shot once and 100 times?”
「他們說,你覺得自己的罪行有多重。我說,你給我估計估計,夠不夠槍斃?他們說,槍斃夠100次了。我想100次跟一次沒什麼區別,都100次了還怕什麼?」習近平稱。
“Afterwards,” he added, “I recited the thoughts of Chairman Mao every day late into the night.”
「之後,念毛主席語錄,天天晚上熬夜,」他還說。
At one point, militants paraded Mr. Xi and five adults on a stage before a rally, according to an associate of Mr. Xi’s father, Yang Ping, citing conversations with the father and family. Mr. Xi had to use both hands to hold up the cone-shaped metal hat he was made to wear.
與習近平父親熟識的楊屏曾援引與他們一家的談話。有一次,習近平和五個成人一起被造反派拉去批鬥會。他被迫戴着一頂鐵制高帽子,只好用兩隻手吃力地托着。
“The mother had no choice but to go to the struggle session and sat below the stage,” Mr. Yang wrote. “When they yelled, ‘Down with Xi Jinping!’ on the stage, his mother was forced to raise her arm and shout the slogan along with everyone.”
「不得不參加批鬥會的媽媽就坐在台下,」楊屏寫道。「台上喊『打倒習近平』時,媽媽被迫舉手,跟着大家喊口號。」
By late 1968, Mr. Xi’s record of defiance was enough that he was ordered to a juvenile detention center for the children of purged officials. But he was spared imprisonment after Mao issued a call for urban youths to go to the countryside.
到了1968年底,習近平的反抗之舉已足以讓上面下令把他送去被打倒的官員子女待的少管所。不過,毛主席不久之後發出指示,讓城市青年上山下鄉,使他免去了遭到關押的命運。
He did not see his father again until 1972, when Premier Zhou Enlai arranged a family reunion.
直到1972年,在周恩來總理的安排下,一家人團聚,他才再次見到父親。
The father, battered and disoriented after years of isolation and interrogation, “looked at his two grown boys, and totally failed to recognize them,” according to his father’s biography, citing an interview with Mr. Xi. The older man wept and Mr. Xi offered him a cigarette.
在多年的隔絕和拷打之下,習仲勛受到重創,有些糊塗。「看着兩個長大了的兒子,竟然完全不認識了,」其父傳記出版時,發表的一篇採訪了習近平的文章如是說。父親流下了淚,習近平遞了一支煙。
“He asked me, ‘How come you also smoke?’” Mr. Xi said. “I said, ‘I’m depressed. We’ve also made it through tough times over these years.’
「他就問我,你怎麼也抽煙了?」習近平談到。「我說,『思想上苦悶,這些年,我們也是從艱難困苦中走過來的。』」
“He went quiet for a moment and said, ‘I grant you approval to smoke.’”
「他沉默了一會兒說,『你抽煙我批准了。』」
儲百亮(Chris Buckley)是《紐約時報》記者。
狄雨霏(Didi Kirsten Tatlow)是《紐約時報》駐京記者。
翻譯:紐約時報中文網




司馬觀點:從文革走出來的習近平(江春男)

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習近平在美國備受禮遇,一切都是最高規格,行禮如儀,講的話很得體,增加了解、減少誤判、建立戰略互信,不過,北京平常最喜歡強調的「新型大國關係」,倒是很少出現,因為這個新創的名詞意思曖昧,念起來挺彆扭,老美寧願敬謝不表。
習大人訪美期間,示威人群如影隨形,中國專家對他的政策和作風品頭論足,以負面評論居多,這方面的報導在中國全面被封殺,老百姓根本看不到。不過,習近平訪美的目標,主要是出囗轉內銷,強化個人威望,就這方面而言,此行是成功的。
其實,美國專家對他本人,比對中美關係更有興趣,他們對中國內政,比對中國外交更關心。中國的經濟社會正在轉型中,轉型的速度和幅度,超乎尋常,必將衝擊對外關係,不了解中國政治,無法理解或預測其外交作為。
《紐約時報》記者在他訪美期間,發表「從文革浩劫走出來的習近平」一文,引起不少迴響。中共是靠鬥爭清算打天下的,從毛到鄧,領導人都殺過太多人,手上沾滿鮮血,心中充滿怨氣。習近平和他們有些不同,他是第一個從紅衛兵那一代成長的黨領導人。
習近平的父親曾任副總理,後來失勢被批鬥,兒女變成黑幫子女,姊姊被迫害自殺,他十多歲被下放在陜北山區挑糞作工,一去七載,人生最重要的青春期都在那裡,最後回家時,父親幾乎認不出他。這樣的背景產生什麼人格,心理學家有許多解釋。 

文革折磨反更堅忍

有趣的是,他的家庭因文革而遭受磨難,他沒批判中共,依舊崇敬發動文革的毛澤東,他受很多苦,反而學會堅忍,強調信仰、紀律和秩序,他是正統紅色王子,以護衛紅色政權為己任,但改稱之為民族復興,兩者對他是同一件事。
這樣的領導人,全世界還有誰? 
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