對於日本的朋友感激。NHK播過去訪談Armitage 的影片。沒注意有無Nye 教授的影片，紐約時報有訃聞。
Richard L. Armitage, who served as the No. 2 official at the State Department from 2001 to 2005, during the turbulent era of the 9/11 attacks and the start of America’s retaliatory wars in Afghanistan and Iraq, died on Sunday. He was 79.
理查德·L·阿米蒂奇於週日去世。 2001 年至 2005 年，他擔任美國國務院二號人物，正值 9/11 襲擊和美國在阿富汗和伊拉克發動報復性戰爭的動盪時期。享年79歲。
He was one of a group, led by Condoleezza Rice, who called themselves “the Vulcans,” advising an inexperienced President George W. Bush on defense issues during his presidential campaign and first term.
他是康多莉扎·賴斯領導的自稱為「火神」的團體之一，在總統競選和第一任期內為缺乏經驗的喬治·W·布希總統提供國防問題諮詢。
In the 2016 presidential election, Mr. Armitage endorsed Hillary Clinton over Donald J. Trump. Four years later, he was one of more than 130 former Republican national security officials who signed a statement calling Mr. Trump “dangerously unfit” to serve a second term. He endorsed Joseph R. Biden Jr. in the 2020 race.
在 2016 年總統大選中，阿米蒂奇先生支持希拉蕊·柯林頓 (Hillary Clinton)，而不是唐納德·J·川普 (Donald J. Trump)。四年後，他與 130 多名前共和黨國家安全官員簽署聲明，稱川普「極不適合」連任。他在 2020 年的競選中支持小約瑟夫·R·拜登 (Joseph R. Biden Jr.)。
Richard L. Armitage, 79, Dies; State Department Official in a Turbulent Era
While serving as Colin Powell’s deputy during the Iraq war, he found himself at the center of a scandal when he leaked a C.I.A. operative’s name.
理查德·L·阿米蒂奇，79 歲，去世；動盪時期的國務院官員 在伊拉克戰爭期間擔任科林鮑威爾的副手時，他因洩露中央情報局的一份文件而陷入醜聞的中心。特工的姓名。 他坐在麥克風前的一張桌子旁，用右手做著手勢，坐在他左邊的另一位身穿西裝的禿頭男子則在一旁看著。
2007 年 11 月，理查德·L·阿米蒂奇（左）和前國防部國際安全事務助理部長小約瑟夫·奈出席國會聽證會，審查 9/11 襲擊六年後的美國安全戰略。圖片來源：Alex Wong／Getty Images
如果最近幾週日美關係感覺有些不穩定，這是可以理解的。該黨的兩位支柱理查德·阿米蒂奇和小約瑟夫·奈已經去世。
這兩位先生幾十年來一直致力於推進這一夥伴關係，在學術界、商界和決策界努力保護和促進我們兩國的利益。或許，沒有其他兩個人像奈和阿米蒂奇那樣，引領了雙邊關係，創造了願景，利用他們的知識、專業技能和人脈將其變為現實，並培養了一代學者、專家和官員，為雙邊關係注入了實質內容和持久力。
喬奈最為人銘記的可能是他提出了「軟實力」的概念，即一個國家透過其文化和價值觀而非脅迫手段贏得其他國家民心的能力，但他的研究和寫作涉及各種各樣的問題和主題。他與政治學家羅伯特·基歐漢共同創立了自由制度主義國際關係理論，該理論認為國家間的合作是可行的，可以減少競爭，是該學科的兩個主要領域之一。
雖然奈總是被介紹為“哈佛教授”，但他曾多次在政府部門、國防部和國務院任職，並擔任國家情報委員會主席。對電力如何流經這些建築物的深入了解影響了他的工作和思考。這也解釋了為什麼他被公認為他那個時代最具影響力的國際關係學者之一，以及美國外交政策領域最具影響力的學者之一。
阿米蒂奇在政府服務方面也有著同樣傑出的記錄，曾在國務院、五角大樓任職，並在蘇聯解體後擔任駐約旦和中歐國家的特使。他的顧問公司阿米蒂奇聯合公司幫助這些地區的政府建立軍事能力，以應對不斷變化的安全現實。
Rúguǒ zuìjìn jǐ zhōu rì měi guānxì gǎnj
If the Japan-U.S. relationship has felt a little unstable in recent weeks, that’s understandable. Two of its pillars, Richard Armitage and Joseph S. Nye Jr., have died.
Those two men labored for decades to advance that partnership, working in academia, business and the policy-making worlds to protect and promote our two nations’ interests. Perhaps as no two other individuals have done, Nye and Armitage guided a bilateral relationship, creating a vision, using their knowledge, expertise and connections to bring it to life and then nurtured a generation of scholars, experts and officials who would give it substance and durability.
Joe Nye will probably be most remembered for conceptualizing the notion of “soft power,” the ability of a country to win the hearts and minds of others through its culture and values rather than coercion, but he worked and wrote on a variety of issues and topics. He and political scientist Robert Keohane are credited with founding the international relations theory of liberal institutionalism, which argues that cooperation between states is feasible and can reduce competition and is one of the two leading fields in that discipline.
While Nye was invariably introduced as “Harvard professor,” he served several times in government, in the Departments of Defense and State and as chairman of the National Intelligence Council. Intimate knowledge of how power actually flowed through those buildings informed his work and his thinking. It also explained why he was recognized as one of the most influential international relations scholars of his time and one of the most influential scholars in American foreign policy.
Armitage had an equally distinguished record of government service, serving too in the State Department, Pentagon and as special envoy to Jordan and Central European states in the aftermath of the breakup of the Soviet Union. Armitage Associates, his consulting firm, helped governments in those regions build military capacity to address changing security realities.
Nye authored the Nye Report, a 1995 initiative launched during his tenure as assistant secretary of defense for international affairs in the Clinton administration. It famously warned that “security is like oxygen: You do not tend to notice it until you begin to lose it.” It provided an anchor for the U.S. military presence in Asia at a time of geopolitical churn.
Concern that its message of partnership with Tokyo was being abandoned amid Japan’s economic woes — the country was halfway through its first “lost decade” — and the rise of China — then U.S. President Bill Clinton famously visited China for 10 days in 1998 and returned home without visiting Japan, prompting the notion of “Japan passing” — Nye teamed up with Armitage to head a group of experts who pleaded for bipartisan support for the Japan-U.S. alliance before the 2000 presidential election.
The tone of the message shifted over the six Armitage-Nye reports issued between 2000 and 2024. The first were akin to wish lists for Japan, urging Tokyo to break out of its self-imposed reticence and assume a more prominent security role in the region, both on its own and in partnership with the United States. When several of its members joined the George W. Bush administration, Armitage among them (he served as deputy secretary of state) they were well placed to push that agenda. By the time the last report was issued, the emphasis had shifted. The authors applauded Japan’s resurgence and commitment to protecting the regional order and their concern then focused on a seeming readiness of the U.S. to abandon the principles and policies that had secured regional peace, prosperity and stability.
Less visible, but no less important, was participation by Nye and Armitage (after his last job in government) in the track 1.5 Japan-U.S. security seminar that Pacific Forum co-hosted with the Japan Institute for International Affairs, a project that I ran for over a decade and, in retrospect, laid out a blueprint for the alliance that was eventually adopted. At those meetings, I observed firsthand their commitment to the alliance, their work to promote the partnership and the incredible regard that participants from both countries had for them.
My former boss, Ralph Cossa, likes to tell how, when he pressed a senior Japanese official to reconcile the man’s call for Armitage to speak out on a particular issue with Tokyo’s disdain for gaiatsu (foreign pressure), the official replied, “when other Americans say things it’s gaiatsu, but when Armitage says it, it’s gospel.” (For the record, Armitage and Nye were the co-chairmen of the Pacific Forum’s honorary International Advisory Board, where Cossa was president and I was executive director.)
At those meetings, I also saw their readiness to build an enduring partnership across generations. While the conferences included the major figures in both countries who worked on the alliance — both scholars and officials — Nye and Armitage invariably made time for our young fellows, setting aside meetings just for them to field questions and share perspectives. Those insights transcended the dry offerings typical of such conversations and instead drew on personal experiences that offered understanding of how such relationships really work.
Their good humor, unflagging optimism and commitment to building a stronger Japan-U.S. alliance continues to shape that partnership. It’s evident not only in the documents that bear their names, but in the inspiration they provided to a generation of scholars and experts who have assumed positions of influence in this vital partnership.
奈撰寫了《奈報告》，這是他 1995 年在克林頓政府擔任國防部國際事務助理部長期間發起的一項倡議。它有句著名的警告：「安全就像氧氣：你往往不會注意到它，直到你開始失去它。」在地緣政治動盪時期，它為美國在亞洲的軍事存在提供了支撐。
由於擔心，在日本經濟陷入困境（該國正經歷其第一個“失去的十年”的中期）和中國崛起（時任美國總統比爾·克林頓於 1998 年對中國進行了為期 10 天的訪問，但並未訪問日本便回國，引發了“日本退出”的論調）的情況下，美國會拋棄與東京建立夥伴關係的理念。奈與阿米蒂奇聯手領導一個專家小組，在 2000 年總統大選前呼籲兩黨支持日美同盟。
在2000年至2024年期間發布的六份阿米蒂奇-奈報告中，資訊的基調發生了變化。第一份報告類似於日本的願望清單，敦促東京打破自我強加的沉默，在該地區承擔更突出的安全角色，無論是獨立還是與美國合作。當該政府的幾位成員加入喬治·W·布希政府時，其中包括阿米蒂奇（他曾擔任副國務卿），他們完全有能力推動這項議程。到最後一份報告發佈時，重點已經發生了轉移。作者對日本的復興及其維護區域秩序的承諾表示讚賞，同時他們的擔憂集中在美國似乎準備放棄確保區域和平、繁榮和穩定的原則和政策。
較不引人注目但同樣重要的是奈和阿米蒂奇（在他結束政府工作後）參加了太平洋論壇與日本國際事務研究所聯合主辦的1.5軌日美安全研討會。這個計畫我負責了十多年，現在回想起來，我為最終被採納的聯盟制定了藍圖。在這些會議上，我親眼目睹了他們對聯盟的承諾、他們為促進夥伴關係所做的工作以及兩國與會者對他們的極大尊重。
我的前老闆拉爾夫·科薩 (Ralph Cossa) 喜歡講述這樣的故事：當他向一位日本高級官員施壓，要求他調和這位官員要求阿米蒂奇就某一問題發表意見的呼籲與東京對外國壓力 (gaiatsu) 的蔑視時，這位官員回答說：“當其他美國人說這些話時，那是外壓 (gaiatsu)，但當其他米蒂奇福音時，那就是外壓福音時，那是外壓 (gaiatsu)，但當其他人說。 （據記載，阿米蒂奇和奈伊是太平洋論壇榮譽國際顧問委員會的聯合主席，科薩是該委員會的主席，我是執行董事。）
在這些會晤中，我也看到了他們願意建立跨代持久的夥伴關係。雖然會議邀請了兩國為聯盟工作的重要人物——包括學者和官員——但奈和阿米蒂奇總是抽出時間給我們的年輕同事，專門為他們安排會議來回答問題和分享觀點。這些見解超越了這類對話中常見的枯燥內容，而是藉鏡個人經驗，讓人們了解這類關係的真正運作方式。
他們的幽默感、不懈的樂觀精神以及建立更強大的日美聯盟的承諾繼續塑造著這一夥伴關係。這不僅體現在以他們的名字命名的文件中，也體現在他們為在這一重要夥伴關係中擔任有影響力職位的一代學者和專家所提供的啟發中。
沒有留言:
張貼留言