Taiwan’s Wu confirms he’ll enter running to become International Olympic Committee president
Wu, a 66-year-old architect from Taiwan who has been International Amateur Boxing Association president since 2006, said he is declaring his candidacy to “positively impact society.”
“The IOC and the Olympic Games have more power to positively impact society than any other organization and project in the world.”
Wu joins IOC vice presidents Thomas Bach of Germany and Ng Ser Miang of Singapore, and Richard Carrion of Puerto Rico as candidates in the race to replace Rogge, a Belgian orthopedic surgeon who will step down in September after 12 years.
Sergei Bubka of Ukraine is also expected to run. The election is set for Sept. 10 in Buenos Aires, Argentina.
Wu declined to speculate on his chances for election, except to say that he is popular among IOC members.
“I will do my best to convince the members that I am a capable candidate,” he said.
Wu said that if his candidacy succeeds, he will make an effort to promote education as a way to combat the scourges of doping, gambling, match-fixing and violence in sports.
“I strongly urge that we concentrate more on education than ever before,” he said. “I truly believe that there is no better solution to fighting against these problems than providing young people with education early on.”
Wu, an IOC member since 1988, was elected to the IOC’s policy-making executive board last year and was a member of the IOC coordination commissions for the 1998 Winter Games in Nagano, Japan, and 2008 Beijing Olympics. He currently sits on the coordination panel for the 2016 Olympics in Rio de Janeiro.
Last month, Wu hosted numerous IOC members in Tianjin, China, for the opening of a museum he designed to honor late IOC President Juan Antonio Samaranch.
Last week, AIBA’s executive committee recommended that Wu run for IOC president.
Wu’s native Taiwan competes in the Olympics under the name Chinese Taipei, to distinguish it from mainland China. Taiwan and China split amid civil war in 1949, and while both participated in the 1952 Summer Games in Helsinki, Finland, China subsequently withdrew to protest Taiwan’s inclusion in the Olympics.
China returned to the Winter Games in 1980 and the Summer Games four years later after the IOC formally adopted the Chinese Taipei moniker to describe Taiwan.
Wu paid tribute to Samaranch and Rogge in a statement released Thursday.
“I truly believe that no other individual, including me, will ever be able to lead the Olympic movement the way they did. These two leaders have made of the IOC a true leading organization that contributes to offering welfare and bright hopes to every mankind,” Wu said. “The days of the IOC renaissance have certainly arrived.
“Therefore, I truly believe that the IOC now needs a leader who is able to harmonize all relationships, delegate his responsibilities to the members and support them in the realization of the Olympic ideals and beyond.”
http://alumnus.thu.edu.tw/alumni/best/4959
【第十屆傑出校友】吳經國 學長
吳經國:第十二屆建築系(1970年畢),1971年赴英國牛津建築學院研修皇家建築師課程,1977年英國利物浦大學建築研究所畢業。1980年開
始代表台灣體育界參與國際體育事務與會議,1988年當選國際奧會委員迄今,歷任國際奧會文化教育委員會委員、國際奧會郵幣珍藏委員會委員、2008年北
京奧運協調委員會委員、2009年高雄世運會國際奧會駐會代表、國際奧會2016年奧運申辦評估委員會委員;2006年當選國際拳擊總會主席,為全球華人
唯一擔任國際單項運動總會主席的第一人,並致力於國際拳壇的全面改革,將拳擊運動以清新健康的形象重新帶入國際體壇,獲得國際奧會及國際體壇極高的評價;
其誓願終身以奧林匹克為志業,竭力宣揚奧林匹克精神,並為海峽兩岸體育交流及和平共榮不遺餘力。
永不妥協的精神 「年輕人,你的努力沒有白費。」我國正式恢復亞運會籍時,法哈親王向他如此道賀。 「吳委員,如果沒有你,我是不可能會有今天的成就。」1984年在洛杉磯奧運會奪得一面銅牌的我國舉重選手蔡溫義對他如此感謝。 正因為這位「年輕吳委員」在爭取體育會籍上所做的努力,讓我國運動員有機會重新站上國際最耀眼的運動舞台─奧運會,實現與世界頂級選手競技的夢想。然 而,在我國國際空間已因中國大陸國力增強而受到影響的80年代,運動場外的競技參雜了更多政治角力的因素,因此想恢復我國各項體育會籍可說是難上加難,但 吳學長始終秉持堅定的毅力,突破重重我國體育外交的困境,他所做的努力與貢獻鼓勵著台灣所有苦練不捨的運動員。而其中,最艱鉅的一場戰役,當屬恢復「亞運 會會籍」─以便我國選手能夠順利重返國際體壇。儘管在一開始的申請程序上即受到所謂的行政疏失而耽擱,而具關鍵性影響力的亞奧理事會主席法哈親王也態度曖 昧,使得在會議場外苦候的吳學長憂心不已。因而當他見到法哈親王走出會議室往洗手間走去時,便努力琢磨著因應之道。突然靈機一動,他跟隨法哈親王來到廁 所,儘管當時法哈親王看見他時表情有些訝異,但當他聽完這位年輕人所說的話:「我絕對不會放棄,也不會就此鬆懈。以後,你們的每一屆會議我都會去,一直到 我們恢復會籍為止」之後,法哈親王拍拍他的肩膀說:「年輕人,你放心,我會記得你跟我說的。」。終於,在持續四年毫不懈怠的辛苦奔走後,台灣成功地爭取到 了「亞運會會籍」,而被吳學長形容為「廁所會談」的這一段實具臨門一腳的功勞!爾後,他繼續與國際籃球界據理力爭我國籃協會籍,甚至為了要恢復台灣在角力 協會的會籍,不惜耗盡體力天天繞著地球跑而終能功徳圓滿,使我國在國際體壇的地位獲得大幅提升。接著,繼續運用他豐沛的人脈、高超的談判策略成功地推動海 峽兩岸的體育交流,具現了「體育無國界不受政治干擾」的意義。 他就是大陸國家奧會榮譽主席何振梁多次公開肯定「對於兩岸體育交流,做了真正實際貢獻的」─吳經國先生。 「大學是成長過程中很重要的一個階段。」吳學長說道。他回憶在東海大學的求學生涯中,「小班制」裡,濃厚的師生情誼是令他最回味的。創系的陳其寬先生 以及今日頗負威望的漢寶德先生是影響他最深的兩位老師。吳學長說:「在老師的專業領導當中我學到許多的方法,及至目前仍受用無窮。在建築的專業訓練之下, 讓人懂得如何蒐集相關資料與數據,透過人性化的思考,把這些東西轉換成創造性的實體,這就是建築設計。」,深入了解吳學長後,不禁令人好奇他為何放下本 行,投入國際體育推動工作?又是什麼轉機讓他與國際奧委會結下不解之緣呢?在1978年一次因緣際會之下,吳學長擔任領隊率領英國男子隊回台參加威廉瓊斯 盃籃球賽,為我國與英國體育交流中斷三十年後首度打破僵局,重新啟程,因此,從那一刻起,他也正式跨足體育界。 雖然這兩個領域看似毫不相干,但對從小就熱愛運動且曾是東海大學籃球隊隊長的他來說,「體育是生活的一部分!」。在國際奧會委員一職中,他不僅可以和 同樣愛好運動的選手們近距離接觸,並為自己熱愛的體育奉獻、努力,再加上學建築出身,許多申辦奧運的城市常會和他交換建築方面的專業知識,如此投其所好的 工作,想必是許多人夢寐以求的吧!然而,在《奧運場外的競技-吳經國的五環誓約》一書中,讓人更深切地體會吳學長在擔任中華民國籍的國際奧會委員所享有的 至高榮譽外,那格外沉重的負擔,十幾年前政治因素導致兩岸格外對立緊張,為了維護我國會籍與選手們參賽的權益,吳學長總是用盡心力、體力去協調並完成各種 艱鉅的挑戰與使命,即使有任何委屈也只是往肚裡吞,目的只希望各國傑出選手們能不受政治、經濟干擾,打破國家的藩籬與界線,盡情地在體壇上發光發熱,以實 現地球村的理想。除此之外,吳學長也將自身秉持的信念具體地用行動表示,他經常到各大學演講,並成立奧林匹克網站,積極地宣揚奧林匹克的精神。 在最後,吳學長希冀透過記者勉勵在校的學弟妹們一定要在自己的專業領域中多充實自己,並從生活中學習,多觀察、多看看社會上或體育上成功人士的故事, 例如「台灣人的驕傲」陳詩欣、被譽為「體操王子」的李寧以及堪稱中國體壇驕傲的鄧亞萍等傑出的運動家,從他們成功故事的背後讓我們看見一個又一個拭去汗水 與淚水咬緊牙根「苦練」以追求更高、更遠目標的運動家精神,正如奧林匹克的格言之一「更快、更高、更強」(Faster, Higher, Stronger)。吳學長也告訴我們:「成功不是永遠的」,但在所有成功人士身上,尤其是傑出運動員的表現中毫無疑問地都流露出「永不言敗」的精神,而 在追求更完美表現奮鬥的過程中一定要有「堅毅的信念與信仰」,這也是奧林匹克的精神真諦之一,鼓舞人們努力力爭上游,不屈不撓。 【文/校園記者翁詩茵 2009年10月】 |
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Giulio Andreotti
Italian Politician
Giulio
Andreotti was an Italian politician of the centrist Christian Democracy
party. He served as the 41st Prime Minister of Italy from 1972 to 1973,
from 1976 to 1979 and from 1989 to 1992. Wikipedia
Party: Christian Democracy
He was dogged in later years by allegations of corruption and Mafia links.
He died at home in Rome. He was reported to have suffered heart and respiratory problems in recent years.
Rome's Mayor, Gianni Alemanno, called Mr Andreotti "the most representative politician" in recent Italian history.
Mr Andreotti entered the Italian parliament in 1946 and remained there for more than 60 years, before seeing out his days as a senator-for-life.
He had a reputation for cunning. He managed to find and meet the Pope as an eight-year-old after sneaking away from a Vatican tour group.
He later became one of the founding fathers of the post-war Italian republic, says the BBC's David Willey in Rome.
He was a junior minister at the age of 28, and went on to serve as either prime minister or a senior minister in the many frequently changing Christian Democratic coalitions that held power almost continuously between 1946 and 1992.
The party then lost power and collapsed.
'Kiss of honour' He was strongly anti-communist, pro-American and supportive of Nato.
He was known as a pro-European who committed Italy to European integration and helped forge the way forward to a single currency.
He was one of the most prominent figures of the "years of lead" during the 1970s and 1980s, when hundreds of people were killed in political violence.
And he himself faced a string of allegations of links with corrupt financiers and top criminals.
His acquittal was subsequently overturned by an appeals court, which sentenced him to 24 years in prison - before that ruling, too, was overturned.
However, in 2004, Italy's top appeals court did uphold a verdict that he had "consciously and deliberately cultivated a stable relationship" with Mafia bosses.
But he was not formally convicted because the offence had lapsed under Italy's statute of limitations.
And he remained a senator and an influential political figure until his final years, not least because of his close ties with the Vatican.
He died at his apartment in Rome, just a stone's throw from Vatican City.
Giulio Andreotti: Ex-Italian prime minister dies
Giulio Andreotti, one of the most prominent political figures of post-war Italy, has died aged 94.
Mr Andreotti was Italian prime minister seven times between
1972 and 1992. He led the Christian Democrat party, which dominated
Italian politics for decades.He was dogged in later years by allegations of corruption and Mafia links.
He died at home in Rome. He was reported to have suffered heart and respiratory problems in recent years.
Rome's Mayor, Gianni Alemanno, called Mr Andreotti "the most representative politician" in recent Italian history.
Continue reading the main story
Analysis
News of the death of Giulio Andreotti led every Italian newspaper and TV and radio bulletin. Although two decades have passed since his last stint as prime minister, Mr Andreotti's legendary negotiating and political skills continue to fascinate Italians.
La Repubblica ran an editorial entitled The Cult of Power and a selection of some of his best known witticisms. The Corriere della Sera recalled that he had led the successful bid to hold the 1960 Olympic Games in Rome.
Former Premier Silvio Berlusconi said Mr Andreotti had, just like himself, been demonised by the left and been the victim of Italian criminal justice.
The stooped, slightly hunched, bespectacled Christian Democrat politician with big ears was a gift to Italian cartoonists. His physical presence was unmistakeable, and he was everywhere during his five decades as political power broker.
He served as government minister no fewer than 23 times, including seven time as prime minister, five times as foreign minister, and eight times as defence minister. And even during his latter years as life senator, when he was fighting the law on what he insisted were trumped-up charges of Mafia conspiracy, he preserved his reputation for political savvy.
But others saw him as an arch political manipulator.
Another former Prime Minister, Massimo D'Alema, said he was "a highly disputed figure... for his conception of power".Mr Andreotti entered the Italian parliament in 1946 and remained there for more than 60 years, before seeing out his days as a senator-for-life.
He had a reputation for cunning. He managed to find and meet the Pope as an eight-year-old after sneaking away from a Vatican tour group.
He later became one of the founding fathers of the post-war Italian republic, says the BBC's David Willey in Rome.
He was a junior minister at the age of 28, and went on to serve as either prime minister or a senior minister in the many frequently changing Christian Democratic coalitions that held power almost continuously between 1946 and 1992.
The party then lost power and collapsed.
'Kiss of honour' He was strongly anti-communist, pro-American and supportive of Nato.
He was known as a pro-European who committed Italy to European integration and helped forge the way forward to a single currency.
He was one of the most prominent figures of the "years of lead" during the 1970s and 1980s, when hundreds of people were killed in political violence.
And he himself faced a string of allegations of links with corrupt financiers and top criminals.
Continue reading the main story
Giulio Andreotti
- 1919 Born in Rome
- 1942 While studying law in Rome, becomes head of Catholic student movement
- 1946 Elected to constituent assembly, helps draw up new constitution
- 1954 At 34, becomes Italy's youngest ever interior minister
- 1972-73 First period as prime minister
- 1976-79 Second period as PM
- 1989-92 Third period as PM
- 1999 Acquitted in murder trial; 2002 Convicted on appeal; 2003 Conviction overturned
He was accused by a supergrass of
sharing a "kiss of honour" with the Mafia's "boss of bosses", Toto
Riina, at a secret meeting in 1987.
And he was tried for allegedly ordering the murder of a
journalist who had threatened to publish details of his alleged Mafia
involvement.His acquittal was subsequently overturned by an appeals court, which sentenced him to 24 years in prison - before that ruling, too, was overturned.
However, in 2004, Italy's top appeals court did uphold a verdict that he had "consciously and deliberately cultivated a stable relationship" with Mafia bosses.
But he was not formally convicted because the offence had lapsed under Italy's statute of limitations.
And he remained a senator and an influential political figure until his final years, not least because of his close ties with the Vatican.
He died at his apartment in Rome, just a stone's throw from Vatican City.
The Economist 此篇單字多. 請參考英文人行道
Giulio Andreotti
Giulio Andreotti, many times prime minister of Italy, died on May 6th, aged 94
When a prime minister comes into office, as Mr Andreotti did on three occasions between 1972 and 1989, he receives a bell with which to silence his cabinet. The Speakers of both houses also get bells to call for order. In 2008 Mr Andreotti, by then an 89-year-old senator-for-life, rang one when he presided for a day at the opening session of the Senate. In Italy bells stand for power and control. And bells, in one form or another, accompanied him throughout his life.
He grew up in Rome, a city of bells in more than 900 churches. As a child he listened to the stories of his great-aunt Mariannina, who had witnessed the annexation of the papal states by the new nation of Italy: an event middle-class Roman families like hers still regarded as an unmitigated catastrophe. He himself was too much the pragmatist to hanker after a lost country. But loyalty to the papacy infused his political career like incense. One of his biographers thought him “more a Roman Catholic than an Italian”. And when admirers called him a statesman, there was always a suspicion that the state they were alluding to might be the Vatican.
He was said to have met his first pope, Pius XI, as a boy when he smuggled himself into a papal audience. He provided advice—some of it unsolicited, much of it heeded—to all Pius’s successors, at least until John Paul II. So close was he to the papacy that John XXIII informed him of the most momentous decision in modern Catholicism, the calling of the Second Vatican Council, three days before the official announcement.
His Christianity was deeply felt. He attended Mass every day at seven in the morning. Afterwards, he would be greeted at the door of the church by a throng of beggars to whom he gave money. He knew them all by name. In his office in parliament he kept a sort of pantry, hidden behind a curtain, stacked with food for the neediest.
Along with his piety, though, went ferocity. As an altar server, he once stabbed out his lit taper in the eye of a boy who was mocking him. He matured into a man of laconic, sardonic, quintessentially Roman aphorisms: “If you think ill of others, you commit a sin. But you often get it right.” Or “Power wears out only those who don’t have it,” a catchphrase that was borrowed for the third of the Godfather films.
To cold-war Christian Democrats like him, the Communists were on one side while they, the Vatican and America were on the other. What distinguished Mr Andreotti was his readiness to cut deals with anyone, including mobsters, on his side of the invisible divide. His refusal to negotiate with the terrorist Red Brigades when his Christian Democrat colleague, Aldo Moro, was kidnapped and murdered in 1978 was perhaps a rare example of a principled stand. Less forgivably, he created a faction within his party that included some of the most disreputable practitioners of Italy’s seldom-edifying cold-war politics. Its leader was Salvo Lima, the son of a mafioso, who, if not himself a member of Cosa Nostra, was in contact with several clans. Mr Andreotti realised the risks of his position too late. He turned on the mobsters when in power in the early 1990s, and they killed Lima in reprisal.
Those were the other bells, the funeral bells, which rang out rather too often around him and his circle. One of the victims was Giorgio Ambrosoli, a liquidator murdered for his conscientious investigation of the affairs of a Mafia banker, Michele Sindona, whom Mr Andreotti once called the saviour of the lira. Ambrosoli’s death evoked one of his most chilling quips: “se l’andava cercando”, he had it coming. His own darker connections were still under investigation some years later, when he was tried (and acquitted) of being the Mafia’s protector in Rome.
The man of secrets
Unsurprisingly, over more than 40 years as the subtle spider-figure
at the heart of his party and usually of the cabinet, Mr Andreotti came
to be seen as the custodian and originator of Italy’s darkest secrets.
His glacial composure seldom wavered. In a country where everyone
gesticulated, he would sit with his hands laced in front of him in the
style of the pre-war popes. His reprimands were equally restrained.
“Excuse me, Paolo,” he once inquired of a political lieutenant. “Are you
by any chance insinuating that I’m a shit?”One critic wondered whether, having put on a mask at the start of his political career in the 1940s, he had forgotten to take it off. The hidden, private man was kind to his staff, passionately supported AS Roma, liked to gamble on the horses and recklessly brought on migraines by eating too much rich food. But he did nothing publicly to undermine his image as Beelzebub or Mephistopheles—or as the man who, by ringing his little bell, could regularly remind Italians where the real power lay.
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