法西斯主義是一種提倡在獨裁統治者控制下建立強制統一、嚴格管制的國家的運動。
Fascism is a movement that promotes the idea of a forcibly monolithic, regimented nation under the control of an autocratic ruler.
Benito Mussolini (center) and his Blackshirts. The Blackshirts, who had assembled outside Rome in a show of force, entered the capital city in 1922.Credit...Amerigo Petitti/Mondadori, via Everett Collection
現年92歲 (2024)的帕克斯頓Robert Paxton是美國法西斯主義研究領域的領導者之一，或許也是目前在世的美國最偉大的20世紀中期歐洲史學者。他於1972年出版的著作《維希法國：舊衛隊與新秩序，1940-1944》追溯了導致法國與納粹佔領者合作並迫使法國全面反思其戰時歷史的內部政治力量。
Paxton’s book “Vichy France,” published in France in 1973, forced the country to reckon with its Nazi collaborationist past.Credit...From Robert O. Paxton
2016年，唐納德·川普接近共和黨總統候選人提名，美國媒體開始大量刊登將美國政治與20世紀30年代的歐洲政治進行比較的文章，這本著作似乎再次引發了人們的關注。當時擔任《紐約時報》首席書評人的角谷美智子是第一批為該書定調的人物之一。她把一篇關於希特勒新傳記的評論，變成了一個幾乎不加掩飾的寓言，關於一個“小丑”和一個“笨蛋”，一個自大狂、病態撒謊者，擅長洞察和利用弱點。保守派評論員羅伯特·卡根在《華盛頓郵報》上寫道：“法西斯主義就是這樣來到美國的。不是穿著軍靴和敬禮，”而是“通過一個電視騙子。”
Paxton, who is 92, is one of the foremost American experts on fascism and perhaps the greatest living American scholar of mid-20th-century European history. His 1972 book, “Vichy France: Old Guard and New Order, 1940-1944,” traced the internal political forces that led the French to collaborate with their Nazi occupiers and compelled France to reckon fully with its wartime past.
The work seemed freshly relevant when Donald Trump closed in on the Republican nomination in 2016 and articles comparing American politics with Europe’s in the 1930s began to proliferate in the American press. Michiko Kakutani, then the chief book critic for The New York Times, was among the first to set the tone. She turned a review of a new Hitler biography into a thinly veiled allegory about a “clown” and a “dunderhead,” an egomaniac and pathological liar with a talent for reading and exploiting weakness. In The Washington Post, the conservative commentator Robert Kagan wrote: “This is how fascism comes to America. Not with jackboots and salutes,” but “with a television huckster.”
2017年初，帕克斯頓在法國報紙的專欄文章中呼籲克制，專欄文章轉載自《哈潑斯雜誌》。他警告說：“在貼上這個最惡毒的標籤之前，我們應該三思而後行。”帕克斯頓承認，特朗普的“怒容”和“突出的下巴”讓人想起“墨索里尼的荒唐表演”，特朗普喜歡把“國家衰落”歸咎於“外國人和被鄙視的少數族裔”。帕克斯頓寫道，這些都是法西斯主義的典型特徵。但這個字被濫用——「所有你不喜歡的人都是法西斯分子，」他說——以至於它失去了其詮釋的力量。儘管表面上有相似之處，但兩者之間卻存在著太多的差異。他寫道，第一批法西斯分子「承諾透過加強國家，將個人利益置於社會利益之下，來克服國家的軟弱和衰落。」相比之下，川普及其親信則希望「將社區利益置於個人利益之下——至少是富人的利益」。
In a column for a French newspaper, republished in early 2017 in Harper’s Magazine, Paxton urged restraint. “We should hesitate before applying this most toxic of labels,” he warned. Paxton acknowledged that Trump’s “scowl” and his “jutting jaw” recalled “Mussolini’s absurd theatrics,” and that Trump was fond of blaming “foreigners and despised minorities” for ‘‘national decline.’’ These, Paxton wrote, were all staples of fascism. But the word was used with such abandon — “everyone you don’t like is a fascist,” he said — that it had lost its power to illuminate. Despite the superficial resemblances, there were too many dissimilarities. The first fascists, he wrote, “promised to overcome national weakness and decline by strengthening the state, subordinating the interests of individuals to those of the community.” Trump and his cronies wanted, by contrast, to “subordinate community interests to individual interests — at least those of wealthy individuals.” 當《新聞周刊》的一位編輯聯繫帕克斯頓時，他決定公開宣布改變主意。在2021年1月11日發表的一篇線上專欄文章中，帕克斯頓寫道，入侵國會大廈「讓我不再反對被貼上法西斯主義的標籤」。他繼續說道，川普「公開鼓勵公民暴力推翻選舉結果的行為已經越過了紅線」。 “現在看來，這個標籤不僅是可以接受的，而且是必要的。”
When an editor at Newsweek reached out to Paxton, he decided to publicly declare a change of mind. In a column that appeared online on Jan. 11, 2021, Paxton wrote that the invasion of the Capitol “removes my objection to the fascist label.” Trump’s “open encouragement of civic violence to overturn an election crosses a red line,” he went on. “The label now seems not just acceptable but necessary.”
帕克斯頓認為，法西斯主義者早期所做的任何承諾，都與他們掌權並行使權力後的所作所為關係甚微。為了確立統治地位，他們與現有精英階層做出了必要的妥協，並表現出他所謂的“對教義的蔑視”，他們完全無視自己最初的信仰，並“以與之截然相反的方式”行事。帕克斯頓認為，法西斯主義最好被理解為一種政治行為，其特徵是「對社區衰落、羞辱或受害狀態的痴迷關注」。
Whatever promises fascists made early on, Paxton argued, were only distantly related to what they did once they gained and exercised power. As they made the necessary compromises with existing elites to establish dominance, they demonstrated what he called a “contempt for doctrine,” in which they simply ignored their original beliefs and acted “in ways quite contrary to them.” Fascism, Paxton argued, was best thought of as a political behavior, one marked by “obsessive preoccupation with community decline, humiliation or victimhood.”
在他位於哈德遜河谷的家中，我給他重讀了他早期對法西斯主義的定義之一。他將其描述為「一場大規模的、反自由主義、反共產主義的運動，其激進之處在於願意使用武力……不僅與左翼的敵人截然不同，也與右翼的對手截然不同。」我問他是否認為這描述了川普主義。 “確實如此，”他說。儘管如此，他仍然堅持其「是-否」範式，即準確性和實用性。 「我不強求使用這個詞，因為我認為它現在不太適用，」帕克斯頓告訴我。 “我認為有辦法更明確地表達川普所代表的具體危險。”
At his home in the Hudson Valley, I read back to him one of his earlier definitions of fascism, which he described as a “mass, anti-liberal, anti-communist movement, radical in its willingness to employ force . . . distinct not only from enemies on the left but also from rivals on the right.” I asked him if he thought it described Trumpism. “It does,” he said. Nonetheless, he remains committed to his yes-no paradigm of accuracy and usefulness. “I’m not pushing the term because I don’t think it does the job very well now,” Paxton told me. “I think there are ways of being more explicit about the specific danger Trump represents.”
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這篇題為「當下的法西斯主義」的文章指出，根據許多專家和出版物（包括一篇重要的《2024年伯克利新聞》文章）的說法，這個詞在當代新聞和分析中經常被討論，這些分析探討了反民主運動的興起以及美國及其他國家民主倒退的可能性。 《紐約時報》報道羅伯特·帕克斯頓等歷史學家，他們也指出，當今的政治氣候與一個世紀前導致法西斯主義在歐洲興起的條件有著驚人的相似之處。
titled "Fascism Now," the term is frequently discussed in contemporary news and analysis concerning the rise of anti-democratic movements and the potential for democratic backsliding in the U.S. and other nations, according to many experts and publications, including a key 2024 Berkeley News article. Historians like Robert Paxton, as covered in The New York Times, have also noted striking parallels between today's political climate and the conditions that led to fascism's rise in Europe a century ago.
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Caligula
Map of the Roman Empire and neighboring states during the reign of Gaius Caligula (AD 37–41)
Italy and Roman provinces
Independent countries
Client states (Roman puppets)
Mauretania seized by Caligula
Former Roman provinces Thrace and Commagena made client states by Caligula
Gaius Julius Caesar Augustus Germanicus，12—41年），羅馬帝國第三任皇帝，後世史學家常稱其為卡利古拉（拉丁語：Caligula）。
卡利古拉被認為是羅馬帝國早期的典型暴君。他建立恐怖統治，神化皇權，行事荒唐。由於他好大喜功，大肆興建公共建築、不斷舉行各式大型歡宴，帝國的財政急劇惡化。後來他企圖以增加各項苛捐賦稅來減緩財務危機，引起所有階層的怨恨。41年，卡利古拉被近衛軍大隊長卡西烏斯·卡瑞亞刺殺身亡。關於卡利古拉的作品《卡利古拉》（1944），作者：卡謬（Albert Camus），劇作作品。
- Caligula, by French author Albert Camus, is a play in which Caligula returns after deserting the palace for three days and three nights following the death of his beloved sister, Drusilla. The young emperor then uses his unfettered power to "bring the impossible into the realm of the likely".[298]
法國作家阿爾貝·加繆創作的戲劇《卡利古拉》講述了卡利古拉在摯愛的妹妹德魯西拉死後，逃離皇宮三天三夜後重返皇宮的故事。這位年輕的皇帝隨後運用他不受約束的權力「將不可能變成可能」。 [298]
在英國作家羅伯特‧格雷夫斯1934年創作的小說《我，克勞狄烏斯》中，卡利古拉被描繪成一個嗜殺成性的反社會人格者，在位初期就患上了精神錯亂。小說中，年僅十歲的卡利古拉暗中恐嚇父親日耳曼尼庫斯，將他逼入絕望的深淵，最終導致其死亡。格雷夫斯筆下的卡利古拉與他的三個姊妹亂倫，並被暗示謀殺了德魯西拉。這部小說被改編為1976年BBC同名迷你影集。
- In the 1934 novel I, Claudius by English writer Robert Graves, Caligula is presented as a murderous sociopath who became clinically insane early in his reign. In the novel, at the age of only ten, Caligula drove his father Germanicus to a state of despair and death by secretly terrorizing him. Graves' Caligula commits incest with all three of his sisters and is implied to have murdered Drusilla. The novel was adapted for television in the 1976 BBC mini-series of the same name.
《羅馬帝國艷情史》（1979），導演：丁度·巴拉斯，主演：麥坎·邁道爾。美國、義大利合拍電影。
《羅馬帝國艷情史2》（1982），導演：喬·達馬托，義大利電影。
參考資料
蘇埃托尼烏斯《羅馬十二帝王傳》
鹽野七生《羅馬人的故事》
1932年拍攝的卡利古拉皇帝內米船的歷史照片…
1928年至1932年間，兩艘巨大的木船被打撈上來，它們曾屬於卡利古拉皇帝，在內米湖底沉睡了一千九百多年。這次打撈或許是迄今為止最大規模的水下考古發現。較大的那艘船本質上是一座精緻的水上宮殿，其設施包括大量大理石、馬賽克地板、供暖系統以及浴缸等管道系統。兩艘船都採用了長期以來被認為是近代發明的技術。
卡利古拉皇帝的皇家愛好之一，下令建造幾艘大型駁船，用於在內米湖上航行。這兩艘船，在現代被稱為Prima Nave和Seconda Nave（第一艘船和第二艘船），尺寸分別為70米 x 20米（230英尺 x 66英尺）和73米 x 24米（240英尺 x 79英尺）。
雖然這些船隻無疑是一位揮霍無度的暴君一時興起建造的，但它們的預期用途和最終用途長期以來一直是學者和歷史學家爭論的話題。有些人認為，卡利古拉建造這些駁船是為了向錫拉庫扎、西西里島的統治者以及埃及的托勒密王朝的統治者們展示，羅馬可以與他們建造的任何豪華遊樂駁船相媲美。
另一些學者則認為，卡利古拉將他的其中一艘船設計成一座供奉戴安娜的浮動神廟，而另一艘船則可能被用作一座浮動宮殿，供卡利古拉和他的朝臣們沉溺於歷史所記載的墮落之中。
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Map of the Roman Empire and neighboring states during the reign of Gaius Caligula (AD 37–41)
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