- 作者： David McCullough著 新功能介紹
- 出版社：麥田 新功能介紹
- 出版日期：1900/01/01
- 語言：繁體中文
ChungChih Li
Benjamin Chen 我不知您是指卡特不行，還是杜魯門不行，我認為兩個都應該享有更高的地位，尤其杜魯門，他調整對蘇聯與國府的幻想，他是冷戰的真正締造者，韓戰的決策也是正確，強力換下麥帥不容易，這顯然會斷了他的連任之路，但免去一場浩劫，他也堅持不讓國府合法取得台灣，讓台灣地位未定。
杜魯門倡導設立聯合國U.N.及北約 N.A.T.O. 等組織，或許功勞大。
然而，它們現在備受考驗。
Peter Drucker 等人認為杜魯門總統是優秀的，雖不為世人所樂道。
| 哈瑞·S·杜魯門 Harry S. Truman | |
|---|---|
.jpg) 1947年，時任美國總統的杜魯門。 |
哈瑞·S·杜魯門（英語：Harry S. Truman，1884年5月8日－1972年12月26日），美國政治家，為民主黨籍，是第34任美國副總統（1945年）及第33任美國總統（1945年－1953年）。
杜魯門出生於密蘇里州，早年在一戰期間曾參軍並赴法國參與戰鬥。回國後，自營過服裝行業。1922年，在家鄉密蘇里州擔任縣法官，進入政界；1935年，成為該州聯邦參議員。二戰初期，杜魯門曾在參議院領導一個調查軍方紀律的委員會。1945年初，出任美國副總統；當年4月，時任總統羅斯福於任上逝世，杜魯門隨即補位，成為第33任美國總統。杜魯門總統任內特別是初期發生了不少世界大事，首先是盟軍戰勝納粹德國、美國在廣島與長崎投放原子彈、日本投降和第二次世界大戰的正式結束；接著是聯合國的成立、以重建歐洲為旨的「馬歇爾計劃」的落實、杜魯門主義對抗共產主義、冷戰的開始、中國國共內戰、北約的成立以及韓戰的爆發。在美國方面，戰爭使44,000名美軍陣亡和失蹤，並對杜魯門繼續連任的計劃造成巨大打擊，促使其放棄競選連任。最終，共和黨的德懷特·艾森豪在1952年大選中戰勝民主黨候選人阿德萊·史蒂文森，於次年出任總統，結束了民主黨長達20年執政。
面對美國國內事務，杜魯門總統正好遇上新一輪混亂的經濟衰退週期，當時物資短缺、有無數罷工事件和有關否決《塔夫脫-哈特利法》的爭議，都是當代的寫照。杜魯門雖於1948年成功連任總統，但卻未能成功掌握國會多數，以致於他的「良政」計劃幾乎全部流產。然而他曾率先以行政命令在美軍內部施行廢除種族隔離，並因應形勢主持第二次「紅色恐慌」，從政府部門辭退了數以千計可能影響國政的共產黨同情者。不過，由於受到一連串財政醜聞打擊，有達數百位由他任命的官員必須辭職。
杜魯門是位素以友善和謙遜聞名的總統，他的不少名言，如「推卸責任止於此」（The buck stops here!）和「怕熱就別進廚房」（If you can't stand the heat, get out of the kitchen.）[2][3] 等等，都成為家喻戶曉的名言。相比前任總統，杜魯門支持度不算高，但他謹慎果斷的性格令他在面對險峻的國際情勢時，可以完成許多艱巨挑戰。
Harry S. Truman - Wikipedia
https://en.wikipedia.org › wiki › Harry_S._Truman
動態消息貼文
The Glory and the Dream eBook : Manchester, William
 First edition (publ. Little, Brown) | |
| Author | William Manchester |
|---|---|
| Language | English |
| Subject | U.S. history |
| Genre | Nonfiction |
| Published | 1974 |
| Publisher | Little, Brown |
| Publication place | United States |
The Glory and the Dream: A Narrative History of America, 1932–1972 is a 1,400-page social history by William Manchester, first published in 1974. Sometimes sold as two volumes, it describes the history of the United States between 1932 and 1972.
Content
The book details both social history and political machinations in the period with a focus on how the New Deal, the Second World War and the Cold War influenced American culture.[1] Special attention is paid to Roosevelt's New Deal and the lasting effect it had on the U.S. government. Manchester simplifies the complex political maneuvers and opaque terminology that pervaded Cold War politics to more accessible language.[2]
The book's title is taken from William Wordsworth's poem "Ode: Intimations of Immortality": "Whither is fled the visionary gleam? / Where is it now, the glory and the dream?"[3]
Release and reception
The Glory and the Dream was listed as a New York Times bestseller in 1975.[4] In The Scotsman, Michael Aitken called it "a collossal piece of nostalgia that brings to mind G.K. Chesterton's insight that the real American is all right: it is the ideal American who is all wrong."[5]
《杜魯門總統任內錄》(The Truman Presidency By CABELL PHILLIPS，1966)，李宜培譯，香港：今日世界，1970。此書錯字不少，不過參考信息難能可貴。
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Truman Lauds Palace Guard . - Google News
news.google.com/newspapers?nid=1817&dat=19520322&id...WASHINGTON Tho men who pack tho— most weight with President Truman arc his aides and secretaries the palace guard — —supposed to do the routine ...本書71頁起，它其實包括些部長等，每周開會一次，無紀錄。
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The Truman Presidency, by Cabell Phillips; The Truman Administration: A Documentary History. Edited by Barton J. Bernstein and A
The Man from Missouri
The Truman Presidency.
by Cabell Phillips.
Macmillan. 463 pp. $7.95.
by Cabell Phillips.
Macmillan. 463 pp. $7.95.
The Truman Administration: A Documentary History.
by Barton J. Bernstein and Allen J. Matusow.
Harper & Row. 518 pp. $10.00.
by Barton J. Bernstein and Allen J. Matusow.
Harper & Row. 518 pp. $10.00.
Cabell Phillips is an honest researcher. He reports wryly that he journeyed out to the Harry S. Truman Memorial Library in Independence with high hopes of finding Truman’s working papers on major White House decisions and policies, only to discover that these were considered to be the former President’s personal papers and were still restricted. (Now Mr. Phillips is down on all Presidential libraries and wants the records centered in Washington.) The author is equally candid about his use of the immense amount of books, articles, and official documents on the Truman administration. “In most cases I found the supply overwhelming, so I chose a manageable few and trusted to luck that I had made the right selections.”
Happily, Mr. Phillips has relied mainly on his journalistic skills, Washington memories and contacts, and his long experience in the New York Times Washington Bureau to produce a warm and evocative account of Truman’s Presidential years. With some of the freshness and nostalgia of Only Yesterday and similar books he helps us relive the sad, jarring days after Roosevelt’s death, the sordid efforts to decontrol prices, the fierce postwar strikes, the seesaw struggle in Korea, and of course the 1948 election campaign, the Hiss case, and the struggle with McCarthy.
But Mr. Phillips wanted to do more than report these events; like the rest of us, he is curious as to how Harry Truman, who had failed in so many ventures in life and entered office with so little promise of greatness, could rate so high today in the historians’ pantheon. Although he does not develop Truman’s mediocre achievements of earlier years in the same graphic detail as Alfred Steinberg in The Man From Missouri, Mr. Phillips does raise the issue as to how, in his words, “so ordinary a man [could] adapt so well to the most exacting political office in the world.” But he never really answers this key question—a question so vital in a day when Presidential quality and character are so crucial to the nation and the world. Rather, he contents himself with citing at the end an arresting but nebulous column by Eric Sevareid on Truman’s character—his simplicity, honesty, and self-discipline.
So Mr. Phillips leaves it up to the reader to solve the mystery of Harry Truman. Unhappily, although the interplay between Presidential personality and Presidential office has long fascinated American historians and political scientists, we have come up with little hard theory or solid generalization as to the nature of the relation—especially the effect of the office on the man. Hence, there is a tendency to retreat to simplistic ideas—even to a kind of Gabriel-over-the-White-House theory that crisis produces greatness, that strong Presidents are forged in the crucible of high-pressure decision-making. (The trouble is that pressure can disintegrate character as well as harden it.)
My own hunch—without having worked in the Truman documents—is that Truman benefited more than he or his historians have recognized from the organization and power and tradition of the Presidential system he inherited. Under the pressure of war, Roosevelt had created a truly executive office that attracted talent and knew what to do with it. It may even be possible that Truman’s chairmanship of the wartime investigating committee brought him close enough to the problems and perspectives of the Presidency, even while he was probing some of the administration’s failures, to make the war years a kind of Presidential apprenticeship for him.
_____________
Some support for such a thesis can be found in Phillips’s book. He brings out convincingly the contrast between Truman’s creativity, firmness, and sophistication in foreign policy-making, and his wobblings and relative ineffectiveness in domestic. Not that his general domestic program was faulty; Truman was, after all, continuing strongly in the New Deal tradition. But he seemed to lose control not only of Congress but of his own administration. We remember the Marshall Plan and the other great ventures. But the same President fumbled again and again in dealing with domestic matters to which, as a New Deal senator and Midwestern politician, he should have brought a practiced hand and even finesse.
Two examples of this lack of skill: in 1946, James Patton, head of the Farmers Union, wrote the President demanding that he fire Secretary of Agriculture Clinton Anderson for undermining price controls. Here is Truman’s answer: “I read your letter . . . with a great deal of interest and I regret very much that you are at odds with my able Secretary of Agriculture. You know, as far as Cabinet positions are concerned, they belong to the President and, as long as Secretary Anderson is satisfactory to me, I’ll keep him. I think you are entirely misinformed on his attitude. I think he is as able a Secretary of Agriculture as the country has ever had and I intend to keep him.” This is an honest answer, quite probably written by Truman himself, and one that breathes his courage and independence. But it was not one that would persuade Truman’s critics; it was not convincing on policy. A second and far more serious instance: during the railroad strike of 1946, an angry and frustrated President went before Congress to demand that he be authorized to “draft into the Armed Forces of the United States workers who are on strike against their Government.” He had brushed aside questions and warnings from his staff and Cabinet. He even wrote a speech in which he planned to call on veterans “to come with me and eliminate the Lewises, Whitneys, and the Johnstons; the Communist Bridges and the Russian Senators and Representatives and really make this a government of, by, and for the people.” More cautious White House hands got him to tone down the speech, but Truman’s final public position was still both dangerous and feeble as policy.
How explain the strange convolutions in domestic policy in the earlier years? In large part, I think, by the difference between Truman’s advisers in foreign and domestic policy. Within a few weeks of his accession, he jettisoned almost all of Roosevelt’s domestic brain trust and top officials. But in foreign policy—where the President doubtless felt less knowledgeable and more dependent on the White House inheritance—he kept on men of the stamp of Stimson, Harriman, Marshall, Acheson, Kennan, and Bohlen.
_____________
Support for such a view is found in Bernstein’s and Matusow’s documentary history of the Truman administration. Not only have the editors produced a model for this kind of collection, with its penetrating editorial prefaces, imaginative selections, handsome format, and remarkable range of materials (to mention a few: opposition speeches in Congress, excerpts from congressional hearings, the Hiss-Chambers confrontation, Congressman John F. Kennedy’s anti-Truman statement on China policy). Even more important, because of its emphasis on decision and policy, the book enables us to make judgments about Truman and his administration. And one cannot help being struck by the contrast in the early Presidential years between the prudence, continuity, and creativity that marked foreign policy, and the hasty judgments, improvisation, and fumbling in domestic policy.
After the 1948 election, Truman built up a corps of able men in domestic policy too. As we look back on the period we can conclude, I think, that Truman’s greatness or near-greatness was an amalgam of his own sturdy self-assertiveness, his awareness from reading American history of the indispensability of a strong Presidency, his role as both leader and agent of the New Deal coalition, and—perhaps most important of all—the quality of the men continuing in the historic office around him. The exact relation of these forces may continue to elude us; but surely it is out of such materials as these, in varying combinations, that Presidential greatness is fashioned.
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It was President Harry Truman, just after the second world war, who first signed laws allowing women to become permanent members of the armed forces. By 2025, estimates say, one in every four military personnel will be female. America’s move comes alongside a shift towards integrating armed forces across the worldhttp://econ.st/1QMNz47
A Day-by-Day Re-Creation of Truman’s Decision to Use Nuclear Weapons
Chris Wallace’s “Countdown 1945” recounts in gripping detail the rush to develop the atomic bomb and the debate over whether to use it.
By Jay Winik
Based on the provided search results, there is no book titled "Four Presidents" authored by William J. Bernstein.
The search results indicate that William J. Bernstein is a prominent financial author, neurologist, and historian. His most famous works are in the realms of finance and history.
The book likely being referenced is his classic investment guide:
"The Four Pillars of Investing: Lessons for Building a Winning Portfolio" (First published 2002, with a second edition released later).
"The Four Pillars of Investing: Lessons for Building a Winning Portfolio" (First published 2002, with a second edition released later).
About "The Four Pillars of Investing"
- Core Message: Outlines four essential topics for investors: the theory of investing, the history of the market, the psychology of the investor, and the business of investing.
- Key Focus: Recommends a disciplined approach based on asset allocation and low-cost, passive index funds.
- Goal: To help investors build long-term wealth without the need for financial advisors.
Other notable books by William J. Bernstein:
- The Intelligent Asset Allocator
- The Investor's Manifesto
- The Birth of Plenty (History)
- A Splendid Exchange (History)
- Masters of the Word (History)
- The Delusions of Crowds (History)
Harry S. Truman (May 8, 1884 – December 26, 1972) was the 33rd president of the United States, serving from 1945 to 1953. A lifetime member of the ...
Presidency · Category:Harry S. Truman · Harry S. Truman National... · Bess Truman
